Economic Development and Access to Fish Resources: A Review Sociology on Fisherman’s Production Access in Kuala Langsa, Aceh
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to describe the practice of inequality in access to fish resources that occurred in Kuala Langsa. In sociology, ownership of the means of production have strong linkages with economic productivity. The problems that arise in Kuala Langsa is the existence of gaps in the ownership of the means of production, thus giving birth to the practice of inequality in the production arena of fishermen. On the other hand, the efforts of government intervention through the help of the means of production lead to internal conflict among the community of fishermen in Kuala Langsa.
Methodology Approach – This article uses the sociology paradigm in looking at economic development efforts through the help of production equipment for fishermen in Kuala Langsa. Data was collected through interviews with qualified local fishermen communities and city governments. The observations were made to see in practice the use of production equipment such as ships, where fish auctions were held, and fuel aboard.
Finding – This article concludes that the practice of fishery production is divided into two types: first, fisherman workers who depend on the production of production tools owned by investors; second, traditional fishermen who depend on production from government aid equipment.
Research Implications – The authors argue that these two production practices have led to the practice of inequality in access to fishermen production in Kuala Langsa. In the first case, the means of production is controlled by the investors so that the fishermen of the workers experience marginalization of access to fish resources. In the second case, government aid production programs also resulted in the internal conflicts of traditional fishing groups in terms of control of production equipment.
Originality/Value – This article contributes to the concept of economic development of the fishing communities in Aceh.
Keywords
Citation
Nirzalin, , Chalid, I. and Febriandi, Y. (2018), "Economic Development and Access to Fish Resources: A Review Sociology on Fisherman’s Production Access in Kuala Langsa, Aceh", Proceedings of MICoMS 2017 (Emerald Reach Proceedings Series, Vol. 1), Emerald Publishing Limited, Leeds, pp. 343-348. https://doi.org/10.1108/978-1-78756-793-1-00038
Publisher
:Emerald Publishing Limited
Copyright © 2018, Nirzalin, Ibrahim Chalid, Yogi Febriandi.
License
Published in the Emerald Reach Proceedings Series. Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this licence may be seen at The full terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode
1. Introduction
This paper starts with the idea of marine resource management as the arena of community production that will lead to conflict because it raises conflicting members of interests. Conflicts resulted from differences in social classes within Kuala Langsa society (Anthony Giddens and David Held, 1982). Each social class keeps each other’s interests in managing marine wealth (Dorn, 2001; Sampson, 1991). At fishermen in Kuala Langsa social classes that look like toke class designations for business people who invest in Kuala Langsa. The second is a fisherman whose working with toke (keeper). These two classes of fishermen subsequently explore each other’s relationships and subordinates. From this relationship, the position of fishermen continues to be exploited by toke because adjusting the economic expectations on the production equipment controlled toke.
The fishermen who do not want to depend on toke, then choose to keep using traditional ways for fishing (Glass and Manning, 2007). This position then spawned a group of new fishermen who are more independent. This group is further termed as a traditional fisherman. This group is more independent and does not depend on the production equipment controlled by toke. However, the problem of capital in the construction of fishing equipment in the sea. Fisherman whose work for toke because it is easier to get the source of fish. This is due to the stronger capital and production tools owned by toke.
2. Theoretical framework
In looking at the conflict in Kuala Langsa the author uses the Dahrendorf theory, where he tells the source of the conflict whether there is a struggle of interest by social groups. Social groups are formed from different social classes. All groups interact in different conflicts that cause different interests, (Dahrendorf, 1959).
According to Dahrendorf man will not be separated from a conflict (Ritzer, 2012). Dahrendorf distinguishes the three groups in view of a social conflict within society. The first group is a quasi-group that is the set of certain structural recruits or positions that are structurally recruited (Dahrendorf, 1959). The second is the interest group that is the real agent or contributor to the conflict that occurs within a social group. The third is a group of conflicts that are people who are actually involved in conflict groups (Ritzer 2012).
Dahrendorf believes that human beings are inseparable from a conflict (Dahrendorf, 1959). According to Dahrendorf, people are always filled with various interests. Therefore, in society will appear someone who has a position as a ruler. This person has the power to regulated communities. In Dahrendorf perspective, communities being a subordinate. However, according to Dahrendorf power does not belong to an individual by singular position. Indeed, authority is omnipresent and can be held hold in particular ways. Someone who holds authority in one position not necessarily full power in another position. By looking in this perspective, the struggle of authority has made people in conflict condition.
3. Research methods
This paper uses an analytical descriptive presentation technique. Confidential data through semi-structured interviews and observations on the daily life of Kuala Langsa. Informant of this paper are community leaders and fishermen in Kuala Langsa. Observation is done by following the daily activities of fishing communities. The results of interviews and observations of the author combine with previous literature so as to produce an analytical description of the lives of fishermen communities in breaking the conflict of production equipment.
4. Social condition of Kuala Langsa
Fishermen in Kuala Langsa can be divided into two groups according to the means of production they use. The first group is the fisherman laborers who work with toke and depend on the production tools controlled by toke. The second group is a group of traditional fishermen who have their own production tools. This article concludes that the practice of fishery production is divided into two types: first, fisherman workers who depend on the production of production tools owned by investors; second, traditional fishermen who depend on production from government aid equipment. This grouping also has implications for the ways in which fishermen obtain the means of production and access the fish resources (Carolin, 2015; Lwenya & Yongo, 2012).
Using the Dahrendorf conflict theory where he sees social groups as contributors to social conflict. These groups also interact and generate social conflict. These groups interact in different settings. This is because the fishermen in Kuala Langsa turn out the majority is not native to Kuala Langsa. So they only interact when they compete to accessing the fish. Even many fishermen who are located in Kuala Langsa is not an Acehnese, but also Malay, Javanese, and Bataknese. This diversity of cultures and community systems contributes to the birth of the bases of group stratification where the more quasi-filled group of toke are people living in urban areas of the central city of Langsa. While the ship laborers working under toke mostly live outside Kuala Langsa, where some of them live in the Sungai Pauh. Then the traditional fishing group lives in Kuala Langsa.
The latter two groups mention each other, contributing members of the group to engage in interest groups as well as conflict groups. Toke takes control of fisherman who works with him and also controlled economic needs of fisherman. Both are faced with conflict situations while fighting for production needs with traditional fishermen. Likewise, the traditional group will become a conflicting group when their interests are disturbed by the workers’ group.
The few formations of these groups occurred due to several issues that occurred in the territory of the sea in Kuala Langsa and directly related to the fisherman’s life in Kuala Langsa. This causes the distribution of clusters of social groups in Kuala Langsa cannot be mapped because almost every issue causes conflict, the actors involved always change depending on whether the interests of each group will be at stake.
4.1. The Emergence of conflict groups in Kuala Langsa
As a community consisting of various classes with personal interests, fishermen in Kuala Langsa are not infrequently involved in conflicts. Sometimes conflicts that occur are personal among fishermen who do not involve about the sea, it could also be due to things that are marine. Usually, the most common conflicts are a mutual disbelief of wage sharing of ABK (crew) or worker fishermen with toke. However, the unique thing is that this conflict does not spread out because almost all the workers in Kuala Langsa have been acquiescing and trust all these problems to the toke. This is in line with what Dahrendorf describes that man is never separated from two things, namely conflict and consensus (Dahrendorf, 1959).
So here the system of mutual trust is very prominent among the relationships of the workers and toke fishermen. If there is a problem between fishermen and toke about a sales results, then it will be just become a gossip and just passed away. Due to this requirement, the fisherman who works for toke does not really care about the problem of how much fish sold by toke.
In his conflict theory, Dahrendorf realizes that a new class exists when people or groups become aware of their conflicting relationships with the other groups (Dahrendorf, 1959). In conducting the research, the authors found the impression of a clash between traditional fishermen groups and fishermen labor caused by differences in production equipment used. Like what is described by Ahyar as traditional fisherman:
“if a ship like that, a child can also be a fisherman. They are arrogant, as if the best in catching fish. And if we use a ship like us, would have trouble catching fish. The only difference is the ship so do not be arrogant when in the sea”.
Although this conflict is personal and not up to the surface, this Ahyar argument illustrates the gap in using the means of production. And this is not impossible to cause friction among groups of fishermen in Kuala Langsa.
Differences in basic needs for production purposes are also contributors to a conflict in Kuala Langsa. From the interviews with fishermen and toke in Kuala Langsa, the authors found the lack of understanding of fishermen on the issue of fuel price increase. For traditional fishermen, this is not a big problem they will face because their need for oil is not too big. As for the toke and his workers this is a big problem. Disputes of this dissimilarity are increasingly felt where the toke and fisherman workers have invited traditional fishermen to jointly move to the Department of Fisheries and the Marine Provinces in Banda Aceh to hold a solidarity action rejected this policy, but received a rejection from traditional fishermen. In this section, we want to show the various forms of conflict that occur due to inequality of production tools. Tukak Langggar and Tukak Macan are tools used by fishing groups working under toke. Both tools have been declared prohibited for use in Kuala Langsa.
Differences in the need for production tools that cause conflict in Kuala Langsa are not just about the need to use fuel alone. As Ahyar and Wan have pointed out, there has been a very crucial conflict between traditional fishermen using tukak langgar and tukak macan (trawling tigers). This conflict occurs because trawlers are considered to have damaged the conservation of the sea and its ecosystem by using pulleys that can damage the coral reefs. This will lead to the difficulty of fish to breed and find places for keeping their eggs. Moreover, the use of pulleys will also damage the large fish and small fish groups. This condition became a problem for the ecosystem of the sea. This will make it difficult for traditional fishermen who use tukak langgar to accessing fish because the ecosystem of the sea has been damaged.
Related to the problems in the management of marine resources, actors who play a role in the conflict is between the toke who have rumoh ikan (cage of fish) in the region of Kuala Langsa. Rumoh ikan is a place used by the toke to recognize the territorial of their field. Usually, the amount of rumoh ikan is not limited and also has no clear boundaries. So here will be seen a conflict that sticking out like a mistake in recognizing the rumoh ikan that will cause a dispute between the ship handler and of course the toke who is their boss.
5. The dominance of production tools and economic development problems
The article shows that access to resource mastery can be said to be very limited. This limitation is not unusual for traditional fishermen using paddles, which will affect their catch. Traditional fishermen feel that the unbalanced fishing gear makes access to fishing unbalanced and more controlled by workers’ fishermen. Efforts to increase production in the field of fisheries for fishing communities certainly cannot be separated from the possession of fishing gear. Due to the availability of adequate fishing equipment will certainly affect the level of productivity. Traditional fishing communities in general still use traditional fishing gear inherited from their ancestors. From this, the fishermen’s equipment system is mostly still using the paddle and boats, partly using larger boats such as motorboats with outboard motors and also large ships.
With such simple equipment, it will affect the reach for fishing. Therefore, the traditional fishermen Kuala Langsa when looking for more fish must compete with big fishermen so that they cannot compete with fishermen who have adequate facilities. The harvested product is not sold directly at the auction site but sold to the nearest community. As a result of inequities in the use of production tools impact on the income of the traditional fishing economy. this is a real condition that occurs. in the situation described in this article, the condition of the dependence chain on toke ultimately applies to traditional fishermen. In contrast to the fishermen who work on the toke, the traditional fishermen have no dependency production tools. Traditional fishermen depend solely in terms of borrowing money. Borrowing money to people who have wealth is a commonplace activity in the culture of the people of Aceh. Even if the need for money is faster the fishermen in this village have to depend on toke. Possible efforts for fishermen are not entangled in the circle of toke is to develop the function of microfinance institutions and cooperatives that favor the fishermen.
Fishermen who don’t have a boat is forced to borrow money from toke for buying a boat. In the structural perspective of fishermen poverty, it is not only the patron-client relationship that causes debt bondage that leads to the form of exploitation. But the poverty of fishermen is due to the limited access of fishermen to the right of fishing resources. The control over fishery resources has been enjoyed by the collaboration of capital owners and bureaucrats. As a matter of fact is the operation of pukat (trawling) throughout Indonesian waters which resulted in the capture of traditional fisherman catch areas in Kuala Langsa.
However, based on the views of fishermen, the strong patronklien pattern in fishing communities is caused by fishing activities that are full of risk and uncertainty, so there is no other choice for them but depending on the owner of capital (patron). To meet the needs of everyday life, especially in the fulfillment of basic needs is still very limited. The limitations are also influenced by the low level of income owned by most fishermen’s groups caused by the access of fishery production/small catch, then from the technological aspect most of them still use traditional techniques, such as a fishing rod, using the paddle, marketing only limited around the area of the District or just rely on local markets.
7. Conclusion
The article shows that access to fish resources has given birth to many social problems that have implications for the economic life of fishermen. The emergence of mastery of the means of production then resulted in a conflict situation among the fishermen. Conflict among fishermen is mostly done in the production arena which makes traditional fishermen very vulnerable. This condition makes fishing very difficult to get out of the net of poverty.
Reference
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Dahrendorf, R., (1959), Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society, Stanford University Press, Stanford.
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All papers within this proceedings volume have been peer reviewed by the scientific committee of the Malikussaleh International Conference on Multidisciplinary Studies (MICoMS 2017).
Corresponding author
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