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In model‐based recognition the 3D models of objects are stored in a model library during an offline phase. During the online recognition phase, a view of the scene is matched with the model library to identify the location and pose of certain library objects in the scene. Aims to focus on the process of 3D modeling and model‐based recognition.

This paper discusses the process of 3D modeling and model‐based recognition along with their potential applications in industry with a particular emphasis on robot grasp analysis. The paper also emphasises the main challenges in these areas and give a brief literature review.

In order to develop an automatic 3D model‐based object recognition system it is necessary to automate the process of 3D modeling and recognition. The challenge in automating the 3D modeling process is to develop an automatic correspondence technique. The core of recognition is the representation scheme. Recognition is an online process. Therefore, representation and matching must be very fast in order to facilitate real time recognition.

There are numerous applications of 3D modeling in a variety of areas ranging from the entertainment industry to industrial automation. Some of its applications include computer graphics, virtual reality, medical imaging, reverse engineering, and 3D terrain construction.

Provides information on 3D modeling which constitutes an important part of computer vision or robot vision.

In this paper, we review the process of “3D modeling” and “model‐based recognition” along with their potential industrial applications. We put a particular emphasis on the case scenario of robot grasp analysis for which 3D model‐based object recognition seems to be a more palpable choice compared with the conventional tactile sensors solutions. We also put a particular emphasis on the main challenges in the areas of 3D modeling and model‐based recognition and give a brief literature review of the latest research that was carried out to respond to these challenges.

The current study aimed to examine the population of girls in two secure children’s homes (SCHs) in the North East of England to consider the impact of menstruation on girls’ physical, mental and emotional wellbeing within secure settings. Gender-responsive approaches and understanding gender differences are central to trauma-informed provision within the Children and Young People Secure Estate (CYPSE). Whilst trauma-informed approaches are central, it could be argued that basic gender differences, such as the menstrual cycle, are currently being overlooked within research and practice.

A case file audit examined documentation of 24 girls who were admitted across both sites between January 2022 and January 2023.

Of the sample (n = 24), 50% had information recorded regarding their menstrual cycle during admission assessments. Six girls (25%) disclosed experiencing irregular menstruation. Painful cramping was noted by two girls (8%). One girl (4%) disclosed heavy bleeding, and menorrhagia (abnormal heavy bleeding) was reported for one further girl (4%). One girl (4%) disclosed early onset menarche. Case formulations tended to focus less on girls’ menstrual cycles or the potential impact of this on wellbeing. However, 100% of case formulations considered the potential impact of trauma and/or disrupted attachment on girls’ presentations.

The results indicate the impact of menstrual cycles on girls’ physical, mental and emotional wellbeing may benefit from much further consideration. Implications are presented alongside directions for future research.

Although the commodification of black bodies amid state violence and widespread racism is nothing new, considering the histories of Hollywood, jazz, minstrelsy, or even athletes enslaved on plantations (Rhoden, 2006), the hyper commodification of the contemporary black athlete, alongside expansive processes of globalization, growth in the profitability of black bodies, and their importance within colorblind discourse, demonstrates the importance of commodification within our new racist moment. Likewise, the shrinking opportunities afforded to African American youth, alongside clear messages about the path to desired black masculinity (Neal, 2005; Watkins, 1998; West, 1994), push black youth into a sports world where the possibility of striking it rich leads to a “win at all costs” attitude. Robin Kelley argues that African American youth participate in sports or engage in other cultural practices as an attempt to resist or negotiate the inherent contradictions of post-industrial American capitalism (Kelley, 1998). Patricia Hill Collins describes this process in the following terms: “Recognizing that black culture was a marketable commodity, they put it up for sale, selling an essentialized black culture that white youth could emulate yet never own. These message was clear – ‘the world may be against us, but we are here and we intend to get paid’” (Collins, 2006, p. 298). Celia Lury concurs, noting that heightened levels of commodification embody a shift from a racial logic defined by scientific racism to one centering on cultural difference. She argues that commodity racism “has contributed to shifts in how racism operates, specifically to the shift from a racism tied to biological understandings of ‘race’ in which identity is fixed or naturalized to a racism in which ‘race’ is a cultural category in which racial identity is represented as a matter of style, and is the subject of choice” (Lury, 1996, p. 169; as quoted in Spencer, 2004, p. 123). In the context of new racism, as manifested in heightened levels of commodification of Othered bodies, racial identity is simply a choice, but a cultural marker that can be celebrated and sold, policed, or demonized with little questions about racial implications (Spencer, 2004, pp. 123–125). Blackness, thus, becomes little more than a culture style, something that can be sold on Ebay and tried on at the ball or some something that needs to be policed or driven out-of-existence. Race is conceptualized “as a matter of style, something that can be put on or taken off at will” (Willis as quoted in Spencer, 2004, p. 123). Collins notes further that the process of commodification is not simply about selling “an essentialized black culture,” but rather a particular construction of blackness that has proven beneficial to white owners. “Athletes and criminals alike are profitable, not for the vast majority of African American men, but for people who own the teams, control the media, provide food, clothing and telephone services, and who consume seemingly endless images of pimps, hustlers, rapists, and felons” (2006, p. 311). bell hooks, who describes this process as “eating the other,” sees profit and ideology as crucial to understanding the commodification of black bodies. “When race and ethnicity become commodified as resources for pleasure, the culture of specific groups, as well as the bodies of individuals, can be seen as constituting an alternative playground where members of dominating races…affirm their power-over in intimate relations with the other” (Hooks, 1992, p. 23). She, along with Collins, emphasizes the importance of sex and sexuality, within this processes of commodification, arguing that commodification of black male (and female) bodies emanates from and reproduces longstanding mythologies regarding black sexual power.

Poor complaint management may result in organizations losing customers and revenue. Consumers exhibit negative emotional responses when dissatisfied and this may lead to a complaint to a third-party organization. Since little information is available on the role of emotion in the consumer complaint process or how to manage complaints effectively, we offer an emotions perspective by applying Affective Events Theory (AET) to complaint behavior. This study presents the first application of AET in a consumption context and advances a theoretical framework supported by qualitative research for emotional responses to complaints. In contrast to commonly held views on gender and emotion, men as well as women use emotion-focused coping to complain.

Purpose – The Columbine and Virginia Tech shootings have presented new challenges in how the media covers school shootings. These events have transformed Eric Harris, Dylan Klebold, and Seung-Hui Cho not only from disgruntled youth to school killers, but also into actors, writers, and directors of their own narrative.

Methodology/approach – This article focuses on the role of the masculine identity and underlying messages in the communicative process of the shooters. Further examination looks at what particular messages the shooters are communicating through the media. This includes an analysis into their journals, internet postings, and videos that were left behind as archives of the performative scripts. Finally, reflection is presented in terms of which parts of the shooters’ messages are or are not communicated and why.

Findings – This article considers the differences in the Columbine and Virginia Tech cases in terms of who is controlling the information that gets released to the public. In the case of Columbine, information was or was not released by the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office, whereas in the case of Virginia Tech, nearly all decisions regarding material release was made by the media (particularly NBC News).

Originality/value of paper – This article applies Muschert and Ragnedda's (2010) examination of cultural scripts to two benchmark cases, examining the mediatization of the shooters’ own words.

The debate about the future of the death penalty often focuses on whether its supporters are animated by instrumental or expressive values, and if the latter, what values the penalty does in fact express, where those values originated and how deeply entrenched they are. In this chapter, I argue that a more explicit recognition of the emotional sources of support for and opposition to the death penalty will contribute to the clarity of the debate. The focus on emotional variables reveals that the boundary between instrumental and expressive values is porous; both types of values are informed (or uninformed) by fear, outrage, compassion, selective empathy and other emotional attitudes. More fundamentally, though history, culture and politics are essential aspects of the discussion, the resilience of the death penalty cannot be adequately understood when the affect is stripped from explanations for its support. Ultimately, the death penalty will not die without a societal change of heart.