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President Bill Clinton has had many opponents and enemies, most of whom come from the political right wing. Clinton supporters contend that these opponents, throughout the Clinton presidency, systematically have sought to undermine this president with the goal of bringing down his presidency and running him out of office; and that they have sought non‐electoral means to remove him from office, including Travelgate, the death of Deputy White House Counsel Vincent Foster, the Filegate controversy, and the Monica Lewinsky matter. This bibliography identifies these and other means by presenting citations about these individuals and organizations that have opposed Clinton. The bibliography is divided into five sections: General; “The conspiracy stream of conspiracy commerce”, a White House‐produced “report” presenting its view of a right‐wing conspiracy against the Clinton presidency; Funding; Conservative organizations; and Publishing/media. Many of the annotations note the links among these key players.

Individuals with severe mental illness (SMI), such as schizophrenia, frequently experience public stigma, which can be further enhanced if the individual has an offending history. This study aims to examine how perceiver attributes, including empathy and endorsement of right-wing views, can impact perceptions and attitudes towards individuals with schizophrenia who offend.

The study used an online survey method, recruiting an international public sample (N = 396), with an age range of 18–71 years (M = 33.15, SD = 11.42). Participants’ level of contact with mental illness, empathy and right-wing views were measured and considered in relation to their impact on reported stigma.

Results highlighted that a greater level of contact with individuals with schizophrenia, and increased levels of empathy, were strong predictors of decreased levels of stigma towards individuals with schizophrenia who offend. Whereas stronger endorsement of right-wing attitudes were associated with increased stigma towards this population.

This research offers a unique contribution by considering a variety of perceiver attributes that contribute towards stigma directed at this population. The theoretical and practical implications of this research are considered, thus contributing to the limited literature on perceptions of individuals with schizophrenia who offend. The discussion highlights limitations and makes suggestions for future research.

This chapter is a critical analysis of the empirical research described in the work of Arlie R. Hochschild “Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right” (2016). The problem of dignity is one of the common psychosocial elements that is used in the book to explain the phenomenon of strong support for right-wing parties that apply specific identity policies. The research report describes the Bayou region in Louisiana, US. The state and the region are the poorest and most ecologically polluted in the United States, and the Tea Party, a right-wing party, obtained the highest support in the region in the latest election. Arlie Hochschild's research and analytical achievements will be compared in this chapter with Polish studies carried out in a small town in Mazovia region, in which the right-wing party currently ruling Poland, the Law and Justice party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc), won in the most recent election. Although, I am aware of significant demographic, economic, and political differences between these two countries, I will show that there are certain political and psychosocial processes common to both of them, and these will be analyzed here. I mainly focus on the issues concerning emotions and the analysis of emotional labor, as well as emotion management as described by Arlie R. Hochschild, and I also refer to the concept of interaction rituals and emotional energy.

The author explores questions of authenticity in the media industry by showing how right-wing media figures look to present their views as authentic by defining themselves as citizen journalists and positioning themselves in opposition to mainstream media. Looking at two case studies from the United States, Andrew Breitbart and Mike Cernovich, the author shows how the language of citizen journalism (amateurism, independence, immediacy) is co-opted by such figures to appeal to increasingly distrustful and antagonistic conservative media audiences.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the influence of the political partisanship of government in charges of returns on the European stock markets. The authors found a large body of research investigating this issue for the case of US stock market but less evidence for the European stock markets.

The authors employ a panel data model with fixed-effects and an additional dynamic panel model using the bias-corrected LSDV estimator on a data set consisting of monthly and quarterly data. The data range from 2000 to 2010 and cover 20 European Union (EU) countries. The authors test several hypotheses, and run distinct regressions using political, financial, and economic variables. The authors also divide the data set into two sub-samples in order to reveal the distinctions between advanced and emerging economies in the EU.

The authors find that stock markets perform better under right-wing administrations. The result is consistent for the advanced EU economies, but the authors found no robust evidence in that sense for emerging countries. Additionally, the authors show that European stock market preferences for right/left-wing administrations is not necessarily related to the beliefs about the size of unemployment, inflation, deficit, and/or debt, which opens the field for further research in this area.

The study contributes to existing knowledge. It examines if Wall Street folklore, asserting for many decades that stock markets perform better under right-wing governments, also holds for European stock markets given the distinctions in the political and financial systems between USA and Europe. Moreover, the authors underline the introduction in the analysis of the Central and Eastern European countries.

We argue that the United States has experienced a decline of economic, political, and military power since the 1970s, and that this decline can be attributed in part to the fragmentation of the American corporate elite. In the mid-twentieth century, this elite – constrained by a highly legitimate state, a relatively powerful labor movement, and an active financial community – adopted a moderate and pragmatic strategy for dealing with the political issues of the day. The “enlightened self-interest” of corporate leaders contributed to a strong economy with a relatively low level of inequality and an expanding middle class. This arrangement broke down in the 1970s, however, as increasing foreign competition and two energy crises led to spiraling inflation and lower profits. In response, the corporate elite waged an aggressive (and ultimately successful) assault on government regulation and organized labor. This success had the paradoxical effect of undermining the elite’s own sources of cohesion, however. Having won the war against government and labor, the group no longer needed to be organized. The marginalization of the commercial banks and the acquisition wave of the 1980s exacerbated the fragmentation of the corporate elite. No longer able to act collectively by the 1990s, the corporate elite was now incapable of addressing issues of business and societal-wide concern. Although increasingly able to gain individual favors from the state, the elite’s collective weakness has contributed to the political gridlock and social decay that plague American society in the twenty-first century.

Previous research has indicated that the evaluation of a candidates’ managerial status is partly a function of whether the raters are potentially subordinates or supervisors of the candidate. Extends this research by examining participants’ perceptions of the most desirable characteristic in a boss, colleague and subordinate. Just under 150 participants completed a personality test and rated 20 desirable characteristics they felt important. Results indicated that while honesty and competency were highly favoured in all three, there were many and significant differences particularly between boss and subordinate. Participants valued independence and loyalty much more in subordinates than bosses. Bosses’ most desirable characteristics included forward‐looking, inspiring, intelligent and fairminded, while subordinates were particularly valued for being dependable and determined. The 20 characteristics factored into factors mainly concerned with supportiveness, inspiration, competence, determination and honesty. Personality factors in the participants played little role on their rating; however, age and ideology were systematically related to their preferences. Discusses the results in terms of multi‐rater processes, appraisal and the consequences of only having top‐down evaluations.