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The UK Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 places a statutory duty on all public authorities to promote race equality throughout all their functions. The purpose of this paper is to discuss steps being taken by social landlords in Wales and contractors and consultants to promote race equality within the construction procurement process.

The principle methods of data collection were focus groups with social landlords and postal questionnaires and semi structured telephone interviews with construction contractors and consultants.

Little action is being taken by social landlords in Wales to promote race equality within the construction procurement process. Furthermore, construction contractors and consultants that undertake work on behalf of social landlords are doing little to ensure race equality within their own organisations.

A relatively small sample of construction contractors and consultants took part in the research.

In order to meet their obligations under current legislation social landlords need to ensure that they promote race equality within the procurement process. Construction companies including maintenance and minor works contractors that aspire to be engaged by social landlords will need to demonstrate that they are committed to race equality and its implementation and have the appropriate policies and procedures in place to ensure this.

This research is the first to evaluate the procurement practices of social landlords in Wales and how these practices may impact on race equality within the procurement process. The research also examined the steps being taken to promote equality by construction contractors and consultants operating within the social housing sector in Wales.

More than six years have elapsed since the much‐heralded Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 (hereafter also referred to as the “Act”) came into force. The Act had been prompted by concern at the lack of progress made in the sphere of racial equality despite the existence of the 1976 Race Relations Act. There were accusations that the 1976 Act was outdated and lacked the political teeth to be effective. The new Act imposed for the first time specific requirements on public sector institutions to be more proactive in promoting race equality. The duties would apply to public bodies that were previously exempt such as the Police and the National Health Service. This paper aims to focus on Scottish local councils and to examine the progress made by these public sector organisations in the field of race equality since the new Act came into force.

The researchers carried out a postal survey of Scotland's 32 local authorities in order to assess the progress made in the area of race equality. Questions focused on examining the scale of progress in relation to both employment and service delivery.

The results revealed a mixed picture. On the positive side, most councils had initiated race awareness training programmes. The majority had also incorporated aspects of race equality into their equal opportunities policies and most had instituted measures to engage with ethnic minority communities. However, there are still areas where performance is unsatisfactory, including inadequacies in the ethnic monitoring of staff, failure to reflect the size of the ethnic minority community in the workforce, and the absence of a clear and distinctive policy on racial harassment in the workplace.

This research will be of great value to anyone who is interested in assessing whether the legislative duties imposed by the Act have been satisfied by Scotland's local authorities. It is the first study of its kind in Scotland and is likely to appeal to both practitioners in the public sector and to academics.

Social policy in the UK has subsumed race inequality into a wider framework of inequalities, managing diversity and social exclusion. However, the David Bennett Inquiry and the Race Relations Amendment Act (2000) have placed ‘race’ firmly back onto the policy agenda, particularly within mental health services. In response to the Inquiry and as part of a wider strategy, the Department of Health has set out proposals to improve mental health services to black and minority ethnic (BME) communities. Although there is a long history of race equality training to address race inequality in public services in the UK, the definition and effectiveness of race equality training remains unclear.This paper presents an overview of approaches to training in the UK, the evidence of effectiveness and explores whether cultural competency is an appropriate and adequate framework to address race inequality.

The national policy Delivering Race Equality in Mental Health (Department of Health, 2005) is in its fifth and final year. Evidence suggests that the changes that were hoped for have not been achieved. This has raised the question as to whether the objectives were unattainable or whether the implementation is yet to see the leadership that is required to bring change in a field fraught with emotion and soured optimism. Drawing on engaging leadership theories and the concept of organisational incompetence this paper highlights key requirements for change, including giving a focus on what has gone well, for example through using appreciative inquiry, and on pursuing possibilities beyond those prescribed through performance management.

The purpose of this paper is to explore attitudes to employment law and the consequent impact of legislation on Irish employment relations practice.

The paper adopts a comparative approach using two separate pieces of employment law governing race equality, and employee information and consultation, respectively. Semi‐structured interviews with key informants are the main data source, augmented in the case of the information and consultation legislation by focus groups in individual workplaces.

The empirical evidence presented suggests that legislation is not the primary initiator of change. In the case of race equality the market was found to be a key determinant of practice (termed “market‐prompted voluntarism”). However, it is argued that regulation can influence change in organisations, depending on the complex dynamic between a number of contingencies, including the aspect of employment being regulated, the presence of supportive institutions, and organisation‐specific variables.

The comparative findings in this research allow some important inferences to be made regarding the use of law to mandate change in employment relations practice. They, in turn, provide useful lessons for future policy makers, managers, trade unionists and workers.

This paper is unique in its comparison of two separate pieces of legislation. In both cases considered, the legislation was prompted by EU Directives, and the obligation on member states to transpose these Directives into national law. The findings suggest that readiness for legislation, based on length of national debate and acceptance of the underlying concept, can influence its impact. The concept of equality seems to have gained widespread acceptance since the debate provoked by the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. However, understanding and acceptance of the concept of employee voice has been much less pronounced in the Anglo‐Saxon world.

The paper has two purposes: to introduce a new perspective on power and resistance in equalities work; and to trouble either or theorisations of success and failure in this work. Instead it offers a new means of exploring micro‐practice.

The paper applies/develops an “actor network theory” (ANT) analysis to a single case study of Iopia, a Black woman equalities practitioner working in a prison education context. It uses this to explore the ways in which Iopia interacts with a variety of human and non‐human objects to challenge racism in this context.

Iopia, from an initial position of marginality (as a Black woman experiencing racism) is able to establish herself (by virtue of this same identity as a Black woman combating racism) as central to a “new” network for equality and diversity. This new network both challenges and sustains narrow exclusionary definitions of diversity. Thus, Iopia's case provides an example of the contradictions, and paradox, experienced by those working for equality and diversity.

In the future, this type of feminist ANT analysis could be more fully developed and integrated with critical race and other critical cultural theories as these relate to equalities work.

The approach, and, in particular, the notion of translation, can be used by practitioners in thinking through the ways in which they can use material objects to draw in multiple “others” into their own networks.

The article is one of the first to explore equalities workers via the lens of ANT. It is unique in its analysis of the material objects constituting both diversity workers and diversity work and thus its analysis of diversity workers and their work as part of a complex set of social and “material” relations.

This article considers how the persistence of race inequalities can be addressed in the field of regeneration. Race has been a consistent feature in inner urban areas yet there is little to suggest contemporary means of regeneration has taken this on board.

The article is based on a series of qualitative, semi‐structured interviews that were undertaken as part of ongoing work associated with the implementation of the Equality Standard for Local Government in England.

An emergent set of relations between equality, social inclusion and community cohesion is evident. As a result, aspects of inequality continue to lie at the heart of public sector intervention policies such as regeneration.

The article suggests that while there may be methods of management to help ensure good equality principles, it is the role of local democratic and political processes to eradicate such practice.

The findings are important to public sector management. Continued work on Equality Standard for Local Government should take on board the findings of this article.

The article adds knowledge to how, in the field of regeneration, the characteristics of institutional racism can be locked into the practices and organizational cultures of public sector agencies.

The purpose of this paper is to review historical and contemporary union driven advances in gender and race equality within the movement and the workplace in order to show how far unions have come in the last 50 years, but also to identify continuing equality deficits.

As well as reviewing extant literature in order to provide historical background, the paper draws upon original analysis of the series of biennial TUC Equality Audits, the latest SERTUC equality survey and interviews with national union officers responsible for equality in large-, medium- and small-sized unions.

Over the last 50 years, unions have made considerable progress in representing women both in leadership and democratic structures as well as in the workplace bargaining and consultative arena. However, BAME members remain underrepresented in both domains. A hostile socio-economic/political context threatens to hinder further progress.

It is quite clear that the authors cannot assess unions’ current record on equality by reference only to outcomes and benefits of big set-piece organisation, industry or sector negotiations. Future research could usefully explore in more depth unions’ qualitative contribution to workplace equality practices in context of challenges in the internal and external environments.

Unions need to step up commitment to integrating equality into the bargaining agenda. They also need to continue investing in campaigning activities and identify ways of making successful outcomes more visible within the union, to members and to non-unionised workers. Workplace unions need to develop strategies to confront the fact that strong equality policies do not necessarily translate into good workplace practices.

The paper provides a long-term evaluation of union progress on equality within the movement itself and the workplace.

Previous literature about race equality in social care has identified specific examples of good practice, but also a lack of widespread action by services to address both race discrimination and cultural competence. This paper is based on work by the Commission for Social Care Inspection to produce a practice‐focussed bulletin for social care service providers about providing appropriate services for black and minority ethnic people. It is based on evidence from self‐assessment work by services and importantly, the views and experiences of black and minority ethnic people using social care services. The findings suggest that only a minority of services are taking specific action on race equality and that there is an under‐reporting of concerns by black and minority ethnic people using services. The key to appropriate services is not adapting existing services based on generalisations about ‘culture’ but providing culturally competent, personalised support that addresses individual needs alongside a systematic approach to remove barriers to race equality in the service.

At first glance, it might seem from the statistics that 18- to 20-year-old members of minority ethnic groups are doing relatively well in terms of higher education. They are in fact better represented in UK colleges and universities than young whites. However, this is far from the whole story. Certain black groups, such as African–Caribbean males and Bangladeshi females, are significantly underrepresented in higher education in general and certain programmes in particular. For example, there has been difficulty recruiting Black and ethnic minority students into teacher training programmes (DfEE, 1998). The experience of participating in higher education is also often different for black and white students. Black and minority ethnic students are more likely to be concentrated in the new universities. In the mid-1990s, only 0.5 percent of the students at the older established universities came from a Black or minority ethnic background, compared with 14.4 percent in the new universities (DfEE, 1998). This inequality helps to perpetuate a system of white privilege, one that is entrenched in other areas of public life in the UK. Black and minority ethnic students are also more likely to study part-time than white students, are more likely to drop out of courses, and more frequently opt for lower-level qualifications (i.e., a diploma rather than a degree).