James D. Dana and David A. Schmitt
Looks at the strategic positioning decision of ValuJet Airlines when it entered the fortress hub of Delta Airlines. ValuJet's strategy, and Delta's response, is an example of what…
Abstract
Looks at the strategic positioning decision of ValuJet Airlines when it entered the fortress hub of Delta Airlines. ValuJet's strategy, and Delta's response, is an example of what is sometimes called Judo strategy–where the entrant uses the incumbent's strengths against them. ValuJet positions itself in such a way that it is very costly for Delta to retaliate.
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Darryn Snell, David Schmitt, Audra Glavas and Larissa Bamberry
The purpose of this paper is to advance research on job loss-related stress through a critical realism framework which considers the interplay between organisational context and…
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to advance research on job loss-related stress through a critical realism framework which considers the interplay between organisational context and personal agency and its implications for worker stress in the pre-lay-off stage.
Design/methodology/approach
The paper adopts a qualitative case study approach and considers two groups of workers confronted with the prospects of job loss in Australia’s power generation industry – permanent employees working for power stations and workers employed by associated contractors. Field research and semi-structured face-to-face interviews were conducted with 35 power industry workers including power station employees and contract workers.
Findings
The research shows permanent employees expressing higher levels of stress than contract workers. The different emotional responses expressed by the two groups are accounted for by differences in organisational circumstances and the conditioning of personal agency within these organisational contexts.
Research limitations/implications
One of the implications is that “vulnerable” workers are better prepared for plant closure and less prone to stress. Additional research involving different types of industries, organisational forms, and workforces and involving different stages of the job loss experience, however, is needed to more full advance the understanding of the complexities between organisational structure, worker agency, and the stress implications.
Practical implications
This study assists the authors in better understanding worker emotional experience in the pre-lay-off stage. These findings have important implications for workers, unions and social support agencies and how they can appropriately approach, prepare and assist different categories of workers confronted with job redundancy situations.
Social implications
This study assists the authors in better understanding worker emotional experience in the pre-lay-off stage. The study has implications for the design and implementation of assistance packages for displaced workers.
Originality/value
Unlike other studies which focus on the lay-off, unemployment or re-employment stage of job loss, this study focuses on the pre-lay-off stage. Conceptually, the study departs from the positivist paradigm which dominates much of the stress literature and adopts a nuanced approach inspired by critical realist understandings of the structure-agency relationship.
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The purpose of this study is to explore the impact of advertising, brand-related-stimuli, on the dimensions of sensory, emotional and intellectual brand experience.
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this study is to explore the impact of advertising, brand-related-stimuli, on the dimensions of sensory, emotional and intellectual brand experience.
Design/methodology/approach
The study is divided into two parts. In the first part, the objective is to examine antecedents to brand experience dimensions for umbrella brand and product brand using an experimental study; in the second part, the relationship among brand experience dimensions, brand experience evaluation and brand loyalty was examined using structural equation modeling by incorporating the measures after exposure to advertisement for both types of brands.
Findings
Based on a 2 × 2 factorial design, the results confirm that the main effect of advertisement exists on sensory, emotional and intellectual brand experience. For product brand, brand experience evaluation was mediator between both intellectual brand experience and emotional brand experience with brand loyalty. The effect of interaction between branding strategy and advertisement was not significant. For an umbrella brand, brand experience evaluation acted as a mediator between emotional brand experience dimension and brand loyalty. For product brand, brand experience evaluation acted as a mediator between both intellectual brand experience and emotional brand experience dimension with brand loyalty.
Research limitations/implications
The research has implications with regard to the antecedents and consequences of brand experience and offers implications for branding strategy.
Originality/value
The present study is integrated and comprehensive, as it covers various facets of brand experience.
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This chapter examines jury nullification, through which American juries refuse to convict criminal defendants in the face of overwhelming evidence of guilt to express disapproval…
Abstract
This chapter examines jury nullification, through which American juries refuse to convict criminal defendants in the face of overwhelming evidence of guilt to express disapproval of specific criminal laws or of their application to particular defendants, through the political theory of Carl Schmitt. It distinguishes liberal components of American jurisprudence, especially the rule of law, from democratic sovereignty, and shows how the two are in deep tension with one another. In light of this tension it argues that jury nullification amounts to democratic sovereignty applied counter to the liberal state in a way that paradoxically upholds individual liberty.
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David D. Chrislip, David MacPhee and Patti Schmitt
Some communities in the USA are remarkably better at responding to civic challenges than others. These communities are more competent at marshaling their resources – material and…
Abstract
Purpose
Some communities in the USA are remarkably better at responding to civic challenges than others. These communities are more competent at marshaling their resources – material and human – in service of their own needs. The authors’ purpose in this paper is to enhance their collective understanding of ideas related to community-driven change and to describe the development of a civic capacity index (CCI), a measure of a community's capacity to respond to civic challenges and disruptions like COVID-19.
Design/methodology/approach
The authors used a concept mapping process (akin to grounded theory) to develop the CCI. Using this process, a panel of 34 scholars and practitioners of civic leadership and civic engagement worked together to create measurable descriptors of civic capacity.
Findings
The CCI measures dynamic processes related to collective leadership, inclusion of diverse voices, how institutions and coalitions address shared challenges and collaboration among community members. Sample data from several states show the CCI's scales to have high internal reliabilities and to correlate strongly with validation scales such as collective efficacy, social justice and community connectedness. Confirmatory factor analyses support a bifactor model of a general CCI factor and six CCI scales.
Practical implications
With the help of the CCI, civic actors can take advantage of existing civic capacity, understand where it is lacking and build resilience for the future.
Originality/value
To date, most scholars have used qualitative research to determine the elements of civic capacity. The authors wanted to know what civic capacity looks like in sufficient detail to assess the extent to which it is present or not in a community. Other efforts to quantify or assess civic capacity or related ideas are less comprehensive or lack the specificity to provide guidance for building and mobilizing it in communities. This work enhances our understanding of leadership in the civic arena, a little understood aspect of leadership studies.
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The aim of this chapter is to argue that charisma is a collective representation, and that charismatic authority is a social status that derives more from the “recognition” of the…
Abstract
Purpose
The aim of this chapter is to argue that charisma is a collective representation, and that charismatic authority is a social status that derives more from the “recognition” of the followers than from the “magnetism” of the leaders. I contend further that a close reading of Max Weber shows that he, too, saw charisma in this light.
Approach
I develop my argument by a close reading of many of the most relevant texts on the subject. This includes not only the renowned texts on this subject by Max Weber, but also many books and articles that interpret or criticize Weber’s views.
Findings
I pay exceptionally close attention to key arguments and texts, several of which have been overlooked in the past.
Implications
Writers for whom charisma is personal magnetism tend to assume that charismatic rule is natural and that the full realization of democratic norms is unlikely. Authority, in this view, emanates from rulers unbound by popular constraint. I argue that, in fact, authority draws both its mandate and its energy from the public, and that rulers depend on the loyalty of their subjects, which is never assured. So charismatic claimants are dependent on popular choice, not vice versa.
Originality
I advocate a “culturalist” interpretation of Weber, which runs counter to the dominant “personalist” account. Conventional interpreters, under the sway of theology or mass psychology, misread Weber as a romantic, for whom charisma is primal and undemocratic rule is destiny. This essay offers a counter-reading.
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In a series of mid-20th century cases, the U.S. Supreme Court has modified and diversified the status of the enemy in U.S. law. We see a shift away from the statist egalitarian…
Abstract
In a series of mid-20th century cases, the U.S. Supreme Court has modified and diversified the status of the enemy in U.S. law. We see a shift away from the statist egalitarian model toward a transnationalized model of enemies. U.S. Supreme Court decisions in three clusters of cases (German enemy aliens, the internment of the West Coast Japanese Americans, and Communist) from the 1940s and 1950s prefigure the radicalized post-9/11 “enemy combatant” status. The choice for such enemy conceptions is both a result of and a contribution to the changes in contemporary practices of violence.