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This paper aims to investigate the use of Part VI of the Criminal Procedure (Scotland) Act 1995 (CPSA) for people with Learning Disability (LD) and/or Autism. This is in the context of a recent review commissioned by the Scottish Government into whether the provisions in the Mental Health (Care and Treatment) (Scotland) Act 2003 (MHA) meet the needs of these groups which would also affect associated legislation such as CPSA.

All CPSA orders active on the 3 January 2018 were identified and analysed for a number of variables including diagnoses, detention length, level of hospital security and medication use.

Of the 580 people on CPSA orders, 69 (11.9%) had LD and 27 (4.7%) had possible/definite Autism. Most people with LD (56.5%) did not have a mental illness or personality disorder. Most (81.2%) had mild LD. There were two patients whose only diagnosis was Autism. Mean duration of detention was longer for those with LD than for those without. Most patients with LD alone were prescribed medication (61.5%) and, if in hospital, were managed in low secure units (59%).

The results indicate that people with LD or Autism are differently affected by the application of the CPSA from other people with mental disorders, and that this is potentially discriminatory, if it is not objectively justified . It supports the stance from the recent review that to reduce the potential for discrimination, substantial changes to MHA and CPSA should be considered in the wider review of the MHA in Scotland.

The purpose of this paper is to describe the unique and independent role of the Mental Welfare Commission for Scotland.

The paper takes the reader through the history of the Commission, its changing status, roles and responsibilities, its influence and impact, and current priorities. It is based on details of the Commission ' s development, narrative from current employees and published investigations and advice.

The Mental Welfare Commission has advanced significantly since its original establishment. It plays a vital role in protecting the human rights of people in Scotland with learning disabilities and mental illness, by visiting those who are in receipt of care or treatment, investigating situations of concern, providing advice and guidance, monitoring the Mental Health (Care and Treatment) (Scotland) Act 2003 and Adults with Incapacity (Scotland) Act 2000 and shaping relevant policy and legislation.

This paper provides an introduction to the work of the Commission, which will be of value to readers in Scotland and beyond. It illustrates its importance in preserving the rights of individuals with learning disabilities and mental illness in line with the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and other legislation.

Feedback is essential for Facilities. We need to know what you think, the problems you want us to address, the information you would find most valuable. The flow has already started — compliments, suggestions, and some forthright criticism. We want more. Criticism, of course, is hard to take. Take, for example, the handful of readers who took exception to Rodney Cooper's frank survey of office furniture showrooms in the West End of London. Although we explained that this was a personal view, it has become all too clear that some readers expect Facilities to be the opposite of personal — encylopaedic, authoritative, complete.

This report concerns itself with the process of change that has been underway in the city of Salford, concerning the adoption of a recovery‐oriented system of care. The paper contains the observations of the lead commissioner for drug treatment in Salford on the process of this change. The paper is influenced by William White's perspectives on recovery in Philadelphia and makes observations on their application in the British context. Finally, there is some discussion of whether this recovery approach constitutes a ‘paradigm change’ in UK drug policy. The information provided in this paper was gathered between January 2009 and July 2010. The methods included 12 initial unstructured interviews with service users self‐defined as ‘in recovery’, combined with two focus groups with seven service users and six members of staff. This initial work was then supplemented with three further focus groups conducted during the summer of 2009, involving 23 front line staff during the summer and autumn of 2009 and 52 consumer satisfaction questionnaires conducted prior to Christmas 2009. A further 40 semi‐structured interviews with service users who self‐defined as being in recovery were also concluded during the spring and summer of 2010.

This chapter brings the recent sociology of entrepreneurship, sociologies and geographies of responsibility, and critical reflections on place and space together to ask why entrepreneurs show leadership in a place, and where they might want to lead it. Drawing on a set of qualitative interviews conducted from 2018 to 2020 with small business operators in rural Nova Scotia, Canada, the chapter explores how interviewees frame their business ideas, decisions, practices and aspirations not (just) in terms of conventional business objectives like profit or market share, but in terms of something I term responsibility to place. Responsibility to place emerges through the interviews as a feeling that one’s business should make a positive impact on place – inclusive of its people, environment, culture, history, and future. This feeling exists in tension with the objectives of Nova Scotia’s entrepreneurial ecosystem managers, as is seen in the discrepancies between interviewees’ narratives and the discourses propagated by the province’s economic development agencies, focused as they are on export-led growth. The findings from this sample indicate that understanding the “geographies of responsibility” (Massey, 2004) in entrepreneurs’ narratives is critical to a fuller appreciation of entrepreneurial Place leadership.

The construction sector is notorious for the dichotomy between its intensive use of information in its decision‐making processes and its limited access to, and insufficient use of, the pertinent information that is potentially available, e.g. on the internet. This paper seeks to examine this issue. To solve this problem (the ‘problem of information aboutinformation’), a multidisciplinary team developed an online question‐answering (Q.‐A.)system that uses natural language for the query and the reply. The system provides a direct answer to questions posed by building industry participants, instead of providing a list of references (as is the case with most online information retrieval systems), much as if onewere asking a question of, and receiving a response from, an expert.It has the capabilitiesto process questions in natural language, to find appropriate fragments of answers indifferent web sites and to condense them into a paragraph, also written in natural language. The main features of the system are that it uses domain‐specific knowledge (in the form ofa hierarchical specialized thesaurus complemented by terms of fieldwork parlance),semantic categorization, a database of filtered and indexed web sites, and an online interface that is adapted to different profiles of actors in the construction sector. The testing process shows that the system goes beyond the lists of references and links provided by traditional search engines on the web.The Q.‐A.system already gives 70% of satisfactory answers. The Q.‐A.system can be applied to other business domains apart from information retrieval and decision‐making in the building sector. It is also possible to apply it to the exploitation of in‐house knowledge management database.

The objective of this discussion is to present an intersectional framework to better inform our reading and understanding of contemporary reports of sexual assault and sexual harassment. I posit that contemporary incidents of sexual violence must be read within the historical framework of slavery, where plantations served as the first site of sexual exploitation that has provided the ideological and practical scaffold for the continued erasure of the abuses of Black women and men in the workplace and under the law. This legacy, nonetheless, has yielded a coded language for according visibility to the “deep story” of rape and race in the United States.