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As an open and distance learning (ODL) institution, Wawasan Open University (WOU) employs a blended approach for delivering courses to its undergraduate and postgraduate students, who are entirely adult learners. In this approach, the use of a learning management system (LMS) is absolutely crucial for student support as well as the enhancement of the whole learning experience to compensate for the lack of face-to-face interaction between the students and the academics. WawasanLearn, the open source, Moodle-based LMS system used by WOU, is a comprehensive online tool that enables students and academics to effectively interact in a virtual environment. However, analysis of data from several semesters shows that the rate of student interaction on WawasanLearn is low with respect to the sharing of knowledge.

In order to qualitatively and quantitatively identify the factors contributing to the student participation rate in WawasanLearn, a survey was conducted among the undergraduate students studying in various disciplines including science and technology, business administration, liberal studies, education, languages and communication. Feedback regarding the manner of support students expect from WawasanLearn was gathered from close to 550 students throughout Malaysia. Another purpose of the survey was to identify whether and why students are drawn to participate more frequently in social networking platforms such as Facebook (facebook.com).

As a result of the findings of the survey, a pilot project was implemented to study the use of Facebook groups as study groups for supplementing WawasanLearn. These study groups were run in parallel to WawasanLearn for seven course modules over two consecutive semesters. This paper discusses the findings of this pilot project with respect to the implementation of Facebook groups as supplements to the LMS in an adult ODL environment.

Corruption was a serious problem in Singapore during the British colonial period and especially after the Japanese Occupation (February 1942–August 1945) mainly because of the lack of political will to curb it by the incumbent governments. In contrast, the People’s Action Party (PAP) government, which assumed office in June 1959 after winning the May 1959 general election, demonstrated its political will with the enactment of the Prevention of Corruption Act (POCA) in June 1960, which strengthened the capacity of the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) to combat corruption effectively. Indeed, Singapore’s success in curbing corruption is reflected in its consistently high scores on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) from 1995 to 2012 as the least corrupt country in Asia. Singapore was ranked first with Denmark and New Zealand in the 2010 CPI with a score of 9.30. Similarly, Singapore has been ranked first in the Political and Economic Risk Consultancy (PERC) annual surveys on corruption from 1995 to 2013. Why has Singapore succeeded in minimizing the problem of corruption when many other Asian countries have failed to do so? What lessons can these countries learn from Singapore’s experience in combating corruption? This chapter addresses these two questions by first describing Singapore’s favorable policy context, followed by an identification of the major causes of corruption during the British colonial period and Japanese Occupation, and an evaluation of the PAP government’s anti-corruption strategy.