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The purpose of this paper is to apply a consensus‐based definition of the adult‐learning theory of andragogy to police probationer training in England and Wales and to identify whether the requisite learning outcomes, when aligned to a community‐oriented policing strategy, are adequately addressed by the current police training methodology.

The reasons behind the new approach to police probationer training are identified with reference to British government literature. Proposed revisions to the structure of the training regime are identified, taking cognizance of the community‐oriented neighborhood‐policing strategy advocated by the British government. Six criteria of a consensus‐based definition of the theory of andragogy are applied to the police model of training to establish whether or not it conforms to true andragogical principles. Furthermore, the proposals for a revised probationer program are examined to identify whether the training methodology and curriculum content will adequately prepare students as neighborhood police officers.

It is apparent that only marginal adherence to the principles of andragogy is observed in police probationer training in England and Wales, which could in turn render any expectations of this methodology unfounded. It is also highly unlikely that true andragogy is attainable within any professional development arena. Furthermore, the proposals for a new probationer‐training program and the methodology employed in police training do not accord with the neighborhood‐policing philosophy for the future.

The paper identifies reasons why police training in England and Wales cannot claim to be andragogical, and why the new training regime and delivery methodology will not address the specific skills required by neighborhood police officers. It is, however, acknowledged that both andragogy and pedagogy can be complementary and will support the learning requirements of neighborhood policing if they are applied appropriately.

Citizens are substantial stakeholders in every e-government system, thus their willingness to use and ability to access the system are critical. Unequal access and information and communication technology usage, which is known as digital divide, however has been identified as one of the major obstacles to the implementation of e-government system. As digital divide inhibits citizen’s acceptance to e-government, it should be overcome despite the lack of deep theoretical understanding on this issue. This research aimed to investigate the digital divide and its direct impact on e-government system success of local governments in Indonesia as well as indirect impact through the mediation role of trust. In order to get a comprehensive understanding of digital divide, this study introduced a new type of digital divide, the innovativeness divide.

The research problems were approached by applying two-stage sequential mixed method research approach comprising of both qualitative and quantitative studies. In the first phase, an initial research model was proposed based on a literature review. Semi-structured interview with 12 users of e-government systems was then conducted to explore and enhance this initial research model. Data collected in this phase were analyzed with a two-stage content analysis approach and the initial model was then amended based on the findings. As a result, a comprehensive research model with 16 hypotheses was proposed for examination in the second phase.

In the second phase, quantitative method was applied. A questionnaire was developed based on findings in the first phase. A pilot study was conducted to refine the questionnaire, which was then distributed in a national survey resulting in 237 useable responses. Data collected in this phase were analyzed using Partial Least Square based Structural Equation Modeling.

The results of quantitative analysis confirmed 13 hypotheses. All direct influences of the variables of digital divide on e-government system success were supported. The mediating effects of trust in e-government in the relationship between capability divide and e-government system success as well as in the relationship between innovativeness divide and e-government system success were supported, but was rejected in the relationship between access divide and e-government system success. Furthermore, the results supported the moderating effects of demographic variables of age, residential place, and education.

This research has both theoretical and practical contributions. The study contributes to the developments of literature on digital divide and e-government by providing a more comprehensive framework, and also to the implementation of e-government by local governments and the improvement of e-government Readiness Index of Indonesia.

Solomon Islands plunged into a deadly inter-wantok conflict in 1998 (Nanau, 2011) that continued for 5 years until the Pacific Islands Forum requested the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) to intervene. Thousands were displaced and at least 200 lives lost in this conflict. We call it an inter-wantok tension because it involved wantok groups (language and kinship groups), which has become known in Solomon Islands as ‘the Ethnic Tensions’ or simply as ‘the Tension’. The conflict deeply divided the country along wantok lines while appealing to artificial provincial identities created by the modern nation state. The country is still recuperating from its effects, and in this context, how can Solomon Islands promote unity, equality and peaceful coexistence? This question formed the basis of our research. We investigated sports as a neglected path to genuinely encourage patriotism and social cohesion in the country. We generated primary data with the aid of the Nominal Group Technique (NGT), a consensus building tool. This chapter reports the research findings and suggestions on how sports can be used to help unite the nation and promote national identity. These include short-term measures, medium-term strategies and inclusive approaches to encourage and nurture patriotism and social cohesion in post-conflict Solomon Islands. The research project investigates, firstly, policy statements and implementation in sports development in Solomon Islands. Secondly, it determines the role sports could play in advancing national consciousness in a culturally diverse and fragmented society. Thirdly, it recommends strategies through which sports could be harnessed to promote patriotism, peace-building and unity.

This chapter presents a spiritual or wisdom-based approach to development, its rationale, conceptualization, methods and examples of applications. The politics of being proposes that societies explicitly make the fulfillment (‘being’) of all its members – humans and non-humans – their main goal, which should guide the development and implementation of public policies. It stands in opposition to the current development paradigm focused on economic growth or ‘having’, and rooted in a set of modern western values – individualism, materialism, reductionism, anthropocentrism, etc. By nourishing our relational nature, the politics of being can address the root causes of the meta crisis the world is facing, reconciling human flourishing with sustainability and supporting the cultural evolution that is needed. It proposes a dialogue between wisdom and science, the two main areas of knowledge, to guide its design and implementation. It conceptualizes ‘being’ as the actualization of our truest ‘being’ and our highest ‘being’. This means that societies should provide the right conditions for their human members to express themselves and fulfil their healthy aspirations, as well as to develop human virtues and qualities. Wisdom traditions and spiritual teachings offer relevant insights into the nature of human fulfilment and the process of spiritual evolution that can be applied to societies. They emphasize the cultivation of spiritual values and qualities such as love, peace, happiness, life, mindfulness, mystery and the understanding of interconnectedness. In recent decades, these qualities have become areas of scientific research and been at the core of social change and development initiatives. Together they can serve as the foundations of the politics of being and allow to identify actionable public policy agendas in many sectors mainly based on existing examples.

This chapter presents a comparative analysis of the English, Northern Irish, Arab Israeli, Trinidad and Tobago and the US cases. The focus is what we have learned from the research about: the relationships within Education Governance Systems to navigate turbulence; building capacity for empowering senior-level leaders to deliver on their manifestos and outstanding track records for school improvement; reducing the achievement gap between dominant groups and marginalised groups in International Governance Systems. The chapter identifies that all cases require participatory multi-stakeholder action to develop and support collaborative networked learning communities in practice. Such communities of and for practice need to Empower Young Societal Innovators for Equity and Renewal (EYSIER). Policy and Education Governance Systems have the potential to synthesise the best of what has been said and done in the past, with innovative ways of working by empowering networks of knowledge building and advocacy. These networks co-create opportunities for action learners to work together to describe intersectionalities of discrimination and begin to remove fear of discrimination and marginalisation from Education Governance Systems. From this position, senior-level leaders can work with their leaders, teachers, parents and students to optimise how learning about the self, and learning how to learn improves community education for all students and EYSIER.