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This paper presents the remarkably edible landscape of Tilting, Fogo Island, Newfoundland. Tilting is a Cultural Landscape District (Historic Sites and Monuments Board) and a Registered Heritage District (Heritage Foundation of Newfoundland and Labrador). Tilting has outstanding extant examples of vernacular architecture relating to Newfoundland's inshore fishery, but Tilting was also a farming community despite its challenging sub-arctic climate and exposed North Atlantic coastal location. There was a delicate sustainable balance in all aspects of life and work in Tilting, as demonstrated through a resource-conserving inshore fishery and through finely tuned agricultural and animal husbandry practices. Tilting's landscape was “literally” edible in a way that is unusual for most rural North American communities today. Animals like cows, horses, sheep, goats, and chickens were free to roam and forage for food and fences were used to keep animals out of gardens and hay meadows. This paper documents this dynamic arrangement and situates local agricultural and animal husbandry practices in the context of other communities and regions in outport Newfoundland. It also describes the recent rural Newfoundland transition from a working landscape to a pleasure landscape.

This article illustrates the significance of pathways in cultural landscapes. It does so via an in-depth analysis at the paths in the historic community of Masulih, located in the Iranian province of Gilān. The town of Masulih, including its surrounding landscape, has an inter-connected systems of pathways that serve to tie the area together as coherent whole, making it an excellent site to explore the significance of path systems. On a functional level the neighbourhoods and homes, bazaar, teahouses, mosques, and Imāmzādih, in addition to the grazing lands and paths connect shrines outside the community. However, the paths of Masulih are significant beyond their mere utilitarian function as travel routes. This paper finds that various attributes of the paths are interrelated: the relation of path to topography; the cyclical and seasonal usage of paths; the path's function as connector of the bazaar and tea houses where individuals meet and socialize; paths serve as an stage during the lunar rituals that allows for further socializing; lands near and far are connected by the network of paths. Finally, this paper documents the dynamic connections between paths, landscape, built environment, and individuals in Masulih.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the congruencies and incongruences between the moral and entrepreneurial accountabilities of Lillian McMurry to provide insights for entrepreneurs and entrepreneurship. Ms McMurry was the entrepreneurial force behind the founding of Trumpet Records, a unique, Mississippi Delta Blues record label in the 1950s.

The examination of this historical case study is grounded in the theoretical examination of the tensions between Lillian McMurry’s felt moral and entrepreneurial accountabilities. Using an analytical archival historical method, a narrative explanation of how these tensions influenced the success and, ultimately, the failure of Trumpet Records are developed.

The accounting records highlighted a number of issues hampering the commercial profitability of Trumpet Records. Moreover, the archival and documentary sources examined also proved revealing as to conflicts between Ms McMurry’s personal character and mercantile determination as an entrepreneur.

The approach of using analytically structured historical narrative as a research strategy is but one method of explaining the tensions between the moral and entrepreneurial accountabilities of Lillian McMurry.

The proponents of virtue ethics suggest that this Aristotelian personal character perspective is more fundamental than traditional, act-oriented consequentialist teleological and deontological ethical decision-making approaches. A perspective of moral accountability exceeding the norm of the obstructionist stance is required to maintain a sound balance between entrepreneurial accountability and moral accountability.

This paper adopts a mercantile perspective, using the accounting and related business records of Trumpet Records, to examine the leadership characteristics of Lillian McMurry. Practical lessons learned for entrepreneurs facing the moral dilemma of competing accountabilities and advance questions to spur future research in this area are drawn.

HAS the librarian responsibility for what is in the books he provides for the use of readers; if so, docs he, indeed can he, recognize it or do anything useful about it? We do not mean, as the most important thing, his fear, reasonable or otherwise, of books which have too much sexuality. It is a major problem upon which no authoritative statement for our guidance has ever been made except perhaps the police inhibitions and the Roman Catholic indexes in the subject just mentioned. That we can dispose of in the favourite saying of Stanley Jast “The Bovril of today is the Mellin's Food of tomorrow”, and refer to the general shift of public opinion towards toleration, or a more easy regard for sex in literature. To deny sex is to deny life. The problem is one that does not affect any but public adult libraries, where the reader need not read any book which offends his code but is not privileged to interfere with the choice of others who alone can be responsible for their own reading. Thus the argument goes, but public men are concerned for the unlettered reader who chooses a book in innocence. These can cause much trouble. One of the annual reports before us puts another difficult angle of the question: the readers who invariably demand these books at the public expense and question the librarian's assumption that he can refuse to purchase them. The schoolgirl is also a great concern to many: she is likely to know as much, if she is damaged by any book, as does her gratuitous protector. It would have been unthinkable twenty years ago for a national newspaper to publish the substance of a recent teacher's assertion that after an address on the facts of life to a form of senior girls, one of the girls told her it was interesting but had come too late: all the girls in her form had experienced sex and “would be thought odd if they had not.” This seems an extreme case but it has a definite warning that the trouble does not originate in the library.

FORTUNATELY few local authorities in recent years have distinguished themselves in the manner that Tunbridge Wells has done in the matter of the appointment of a public librarian. Our readers are familiar with the facts that an advertisement for a librarian appeared for whom a salary of £300 yearly was offered, which is rather less than N.A.L.G.O. expects an ordinary municipal clerk of 30 to receive. When some fifty or more candidates had been put to the trouble, expense and jeopardy (in some cases) of making application for the post, a section of the Tunbridge Wells Council, of whom the spokesman was Sir Robert Gower, discovered that the salary was ridiculously too high, and actually persuaded the Council to disown the advertisement and to re‐advertise the post at £150! Not only so, but each candidate received a letter asking him if he wished his application to stand at the new salary. Comment is needless. As we say, it is fortunately rarely that ignorance and impertinence are so publicly flaunted; and we hope that no trained librarian or library assistant will be found willing to accept the starvation position offered.

Modelling is a research methodology that has received little academic attention since it began to be formulated in the 1970s. On the spectrum of clean language interviewing (CLI) applications described in Chapter 1, the most sophisticated is modelling, and especially modelling that takes place in real time during the interview.

This chapter defines what we mean by ‘a model’ and ‘modelling’ and explains how they are related to CLI. We situate the chapter by recounting how modelling became linked to CLI. To conclude we consider some of the methodological challenges faced by both the interviewee and interviewer involved in a modelling research project.

We also explain how interviewee metaphors discussed in Chapter 3 can support the modelling process. Much of the modelling that takes place during an interview resides in the background of the interaction. To illustrate modelling we provide an annotated transcript of a symbolic modelling interview that uses clean language to model the skill of ‘knowing what is essential’.

Generally speaking a “new” loaf is demanded and the baker who cannot deliver “new” loaves loses trade. But what is a “new” loaf? From the point of view of the chemist this question has formed the subject of innumerable investigations. A definition of a “new” loaf demands an understanding of “staleness” and the staling of bakery products is a subject of great complexity. The old idea was that it was entirely a question of the “drying out” of the bread, but cereal chemistry has proved that such a solution, namely the prevention of “drying out,” is only of partial efficacy; in fact “staleness” is caused by a change in the starch of the flour which is inherent in it and cannot be prevented by precautions which maintain the moisture content at a certain figure. The investigation of this type of staling has occupied the attention of many famous chemists, but the full explanation has not yet been obtained. Mass production has demanded many studies in that aspect of science known as “physical chemistry.” An example can be found in the preparation of certain sauces. Those of you who have made mayonnaise sauce know that to beat the olive oil into the mixture is fraught with difficulties. By means of the fork, used as a beater, the oil is distributed in very small particles through the mass of liquid, so that every globule of oil is separated from every other one. If the action docs not proceed properly the system breaks down and the mayonnaise “turns” and is spoiled. The manufacturer has to prevent this “turning,” not in a few pints but in hundreds of gallons. It is the chemist who has enabled him to do this and to manufacture with success those scores of salad‐dressings which are so delectable and the purchase of which relieves the housewife of so many hours of work and so much arm‐ache. An example of some interest is concerned with smoked salmon, which normally is a very variable product, whether it be the highly salted variety of the northern climes or the much less salted kind which has found favour in this country. The production of a lightly salted product is far more difficult than the more salted variety because much smaller changes in salt content become more noticeable. These small differences are so obvious to the confirmed smoked salmon eater that he detects not only the differences between one grade and another, but also the differences of salt content that occur in different parts of the same side of fish. It has fallen to the chemist so to change the methods of production of the lightly flavoured variety that the distribution of salt through the fish is even and the flavour therefore constant. This study of smoked salmon is only an example of the very big problem of standardisation, standardisation demanded by the consumer—and it follows that the big manufacturer must produce goods of standard flavour and appearance. Science steps in and gives the manufacturer those controls which enable him to produce, day in and day out, that standard range of article, whether it be ice‐cream or toad‐in‐the‐hole, Worcester sauce or cheese cakes, roast beef or jelly crystals. Modern science has introduced a new factor into our conception of what food should be. In the past it was only necessary to ensure that food should be “pure and wholesome,” by which was meant—in general terms—digestible and without any harmful constituents, be they natural or adventitious, bacterial or otherwise. So long as food complied with this broad definition everyone was satisfied. But biochemists and physiologists have demonstrated the importance of other factors, salts and vitamins, and it is necessary to consider the new situation thus created because it may be that the treatment of food to retain those substances may make it necessary to change preconceived notions. It may be that “palatability” may be affected, palatability which includes taste and appearance and odour. The whole subject is so complicated and, notwithstanding the enormous amount of work carried out, so little understood that no one as yet can be dogmatic, no one can state what are the optimum amounts of vitamins required by ordinary persons to keep them in good health. Having, however, decided the amount required, are we to try to preserve such quantities as occur naturally, or are we to fortify the food which we cat by added synthetic or even by purified natural vitamins? A further important consideration is whether the degree of maturity of, say, fruit in relation to maximum vitamin content coincides with optimum palatabilty. Certain it is that information gradually being accumulated on the importance—in many cases vital importance—of the minor constituents of foodstuffs leads to the conclusion that, to ensure the presence of all valuable minor constituents—be they known or unknown—the foodstuffs must, as articles of diet, be ingested almost in their entirety. This is probably an extreme view, for, in many cases, the result would be a product of reduced palatability or appearance, or, what is probably more important, “different,” and people do not like their food to be abnormal, i.e., to differ from their preconceived notion of what it should be. Nevertheless an “improvement” in the method of production, put into practice by the food manufacturer with the best intentions, may possibly result in a lowering of the dietetic value of the food, as, for example, by mechanical removal of an important part (the classical example being polished rice), by heat treatment, by oxidation or by materials added during cooking. The minor metallic constituents of food are gradually being revealed in their true importance. Copper, zinc, and iron are now known to be of importance. It is probable that every baby is born poor in calcium but rich in iron; milk, the natural food of the infant, is rich in calcium. It is only in the last few years that it has been shown that green vegetables as usually cooked are of very little real value. Cooking green vegetables in water containing sodium carbonate results in the almost complete destruction of the Vitamin C, and the discarding of the water removes the extracted salts. A green product certainly results but of greatly reduced nutritional value. On the other hand, it would appear that little destruction of vitamin activity takes place when the canning of vegetables or fruits is properly controlled. Sherman has said that attention to mineral salts and vitamins will lead to “buoyant” as distinguished from merely “passable” health. It is obvious that education of the public is essential if an intelligent use is to be made of the knowledge being gained by chemists and allied scientists. It is a most important fact that methods are being developed to assay foods for vitamins by chemical means. Biological feeding tests are obviously unsuitable for control purposes but, as the chemical identity of the vitamins becomes more clarified, chemical tests will become available for their determination. It is obviously the duty of the medical services of the country to guide the public as far as is possible on questions of nutrition. When such guidance becomes effective, the food producer will not be slow to see that his goods are up to the standard necessary, adding one more burden to the already loaded back of the chemist concerned with food production.

This paper aims to investigate three promotional publications produced by the Postum Cereal Company – A Trip Through Postumville (1920), How I Make Postum (1924) and The Wonderful Lunch Boxes (1925) – with the aim of understanding how language and other semiotic resources are used to promote its products as good and healthy choices.

The three publications were collected from the HathiTrust Digital Library and University of South Florida Tampa Special Collections. They were subjected to multimodal critical discourse analysis to tease out their subtle characteristics and how a combination of language, image, colour, typography and composition are used to represent certain ideas and values related to health and well-being.

The publications subscribe to three distinct genres – “inside the factory”, “friendly spokesperson” and “fictional world” – each of which are aimed at different target audiences. The first seeks to promote Postum as an open and transparent company; the second to promote Postum as a company that cares about its consumers; and the third to promote the health benefits of Postum in a fun and accessible manner. Nonetheless, they are united in their overall objective to link the regular consumption of Postum as essential for good health.

To date, few studies have been conducted on the Postum Cereal Company, while the limited research conducted on promotional publications has tended to overlook discourses of health and well-being. The three genres outlined in this study, thus, have the potential to foster a reappraisal of promotional publications and showcase their ability to offer new understandings on historical approaches to marketing, particularly the link with health and science.

In his report for the year 1919, Dr. WILLIAM J. HOWARTH, C.B.E., Medical Officer of Health for the City of London, makes some very important observations in regard to the conveyance and handling of meat. He points out that a considerable responsibility rests upon the Sanitary Committee to ensure that the food passing through the City is of a satisfactory character, and the following matters are of interest. Meat is purchased at Smithfield by butchers from all parts of Greater London, and even from districts outside. It is removed from the market either in the purchaser's own carts, or in vans belonging to the numerous carriers who attend the market. From the stalls in the market it is carried to the waiting carts either by the purchasers or by market porters. The meat is either conveyed in trucks which are provided or on the backs and shoulders of these persons. The number of carts in waiting to receive meat is so considerable that during the busier hours they form practically a continuous barricade round the market. The rear parts of the carts are brought up to the edge of the causeway. These vans and carts carry a considerable amount of meat, in the form of quarters or cuts of larger or smaller size and offal. The division of the meat facilitates increased loading. It often happens that the supply arrives at the carts more quickly than it can be packed, and, as a consequence, it is allowed to stand about on the trucks for a longer time than is desirable. During this waiting period the meat is sometimes deposited on the footway. It should be noted that the sectioning of meat results in large areas of muscular tissues being exposed, and as the cut surface is moist, dust readily settles on it with the resulting disadvantages which are common to dust deposition; dust is excessive in dry weather as the streets in the loading‐up areas are fouled by the large number of horses which stand about. As regards the pavement, I need only mention that there is considerable fouling of the surface by blood and particles of fat, etc., which are trodden into a hard layer mixed with street refuse. The further risk of contamination by animals is obvious. Dr. HOWARTH further observes, I have had occasion officially to complain of one more than usually gross instance of piling meat on the ground. In this case the meat was separated from the wet ground by a layer of coarse sacking, the edge of the cover being also practically flush with the sides of the pile. The surroundings were foul. As regards the carts, the general practice is to cover the bottom of the cart with straw. In other cases a kind of sacking is used with or without an under layer of straw, and in exceptional cases white calico or some similar matter is used. Some of the carts do not come to the market in a thoroughly clean condition. They are certainly washed at times but not every day. The straw may be clean but it is not a suitable material on which to place the cut sections of meat. The cloths I have seen used day by day, being washed, in some cases, not oftener than once a week. Blood‐stained cloths should be washed before being used again. White cloths are more desirable, as staining and dirt readily show and this results in greater care being displayed. The procedure during packing is open to criticism. I have often seen, even on wet days, men, whose boots were soiled with road dirt, get into the cart to fill the front part. In doing so they soil the straw or cloth at the rear and on this soiled part meat is afterwards laid. If a white cover were used this would probably be rolled up at the back, whilst the front was being packed, and it would be straightened out as the packing progressed. I have seen a dog in a cart in which uncovered joints of meat were lying, and the dog would have been driven away in the cart if I had not objected. My protest in this and other cases was received badly. This is simply mentioned as an instance of disregard of an obvious precautionary essential. I have seen men stretching over uncovered meat to reach the front of the cart, and in exceptional cases have seen them with their feet on it. I have also noticed, at times, meat soiled with roadway dirt. As regards the transfer of meat from the stalls to the cart, I take exception to the infrequency of change of overalls by the porters, and to meat being carried on a man's head when he is wearing a cap which has done duty for weeks without being washed. Meat is not allowed to be placed on the floor of the stalls inside the market, and practically every trader has slightly raised wooden benches. There are no such facilities outside the market, nor are there any powers to require them to be provided. It seems strange that whilst in the slaughterhouses due regard must be paid to the observance of cleanliness, and in the markets the traders recognise the advantage of cleanliness and order, and further that butchers at their shops encourage brightness and cleanliness as is evidenced by good lighting, clean benches bright brass and steel fittings, and clean‐looking tiles to line the shop, so little regard should be paid to the elementary rules of cleanliness in the interval which elapses between purchase from the wholesale dealer and the reception of the meat at the shop.