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While there is a vast literature on the effect of unemployment insurance on unemployment duration, in almost all of these studies the replacement ratio is the key explanatory variable. Does not contest the almost universal findings that the higher the ratio of unemployment income to that of previous earnings, the longer is unemployment duration, but finds that when pre‐unemployment income itself is considered, duration is positively related to that income. Supports the positive view of the merits of unemployment insurance. While past studies emphasize the leisure aspect, unemployment insurance incorporates the ability to improve search through the use of unemployment insurance funds. This use of funds is particularly applicable to high income recipients.

Between 1963 and 1971 the number of places available at Government Training Centres (GTCs) increased by over 400 per cent, so that by 1971 there were 52 centres with 11,000 places capable of retraining about 20,000 persons annually. Early in 1972 the Conservative Government announced plans for a further large expansion in the manpower training and retraining programme. The long term aim of that government was to provide retraining opportunities for about 100,000 annually, but as an interim measure it hoped to provide such opportunities for 60–70,000 people by 1975. The government intended that about half of these opportunities—i.e. 30,000—would be catered for by the GTCs, of which there would be 64 by 1975, with a total of 17,000 training places.

Equal Opportunities at Wellcome The October issue of Personnel Management contains an article entitled “ When line managers welcome equal opportunities”.

This essay comments on what three eminent UW-Madison economists taught during the first half of the 20th century: John R. Commons (1862–1945), Selig Perlman (1886–1959), and Martin Bronfenbrenner (1914–1997). What we know about what and how they taught varies. Interestingly, little or no effort has been made to preserve records that might inform us about what college and university economists taught their students and when and how new ideas and issues found their way into the teaching of economics. This thought first came to me in the years immediately following my joining the UW-Madison faculty in January 1965. I realized that many of us who gained experience in the policy arena while on leave in Washington DC during the 1960s incorporated that experience into our teaching at all course levels. This meant our students benefited from being on the cutting edge of emerging policy issues, such as poverty, negative income tax, human capital, military draft, and the all-volunteer army, the Kennedy round trade negotiations, tax policy, and cost–benefit analysis. We regularly incorporated these issues into our teaching, usually a half-dozen years before they made their way into the next edition of the textbooks and thus reached a wider student audience. Once incorporated into textbooks, these issues became much less interesting to teach because they had been boiled down to pedestrian textbook-style prose.

Racialization is an important concept when looking at structural mechanisms that perpetuate racial inequalities. The State, and its various organizational spaces of action, is often seen as a site for race to be enacted. Policy sectors such as housing, education, taxation, and immigration have been ripe areas of research that reflect this. However, media policy research has not effectively engaged with this critical conception. Media policy research has been driven by political economy perspectives within the field of Mass Communication and Media Studies, and can benefit from an approach that analyzes it in relation to social science perspectives that focus on processes which constitute, or are constituted by, actors, groups, and organizations. Our hope is that future researchers will find this volume useful in further developing critical studies of media policy that take into account race as a social force.

This chapter offers an historical overview and analysis of US broadcast regulation. It demonstrates how seemingly race-neutral policies – the interpretation of “public interest,” the preference for incumbents, the application of the First Amendment, and the embrace of colorblindness within US media policy – has functioned to entrench White interests in the broadcasting sector. Drawing on critical policy studies and critical race theory, this chapter illuminates how broadcast regulation has been a technology of White privilege, one that has had substantial consequences for the distribution of both material and symbolic resources as well as for the contours of the public sphere in the United States.

At the turn of the twentieth century, various Socialist parties vied for a place in the American political system, making alliances where possible and convenient with elements of organized labor. Robert Franklin Hoxie, an economist at the University of Chicago whose principle contributions lay in his writings on the labor movement, wrote a series of essays in which he scrutinized the activities of the Socialist Party of America as it appeared to be at the time poised to become a viable force in American politics. This essay examines Hoxie’s writings on the conventions of the Socialist Party within the context of the political dynamic of the period and reveals his interpretations of events based on contemporary accounts and first-hand observations.