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The paper seeks to use the concept of net social capital to help explain the behaviour of a business constellation, a group of entrepreneurial firms in different businesses that cooperate to their mutual benefit.

The paper takes the form of an in‐depth case study of the Canadian Groupement Quebecoise.

The members of the group create and maintain net social capital among themselves in a variety of ways both social and economic and in turn use that net social capital outside the group in dealings with other organisations, profit and non‐profit.

The findings suggest ways in which firms can work with other non‐competing firms.

The concept of net social capital is novel and the study is the first of its kind that investigates such a tightly knit and productive business constellation.

An intriguing development in the realm of commercial software has arisen over the last decade, from highly improbable beginnings. From its inception in the ‘hacker ethic’, freeware has had a huge impact on IT businesses around the world, most strongly in the guise of its spin‐off, open source software. The eventual consequences are that, for example, more than 60% of all the servers on the World Wide Web are running the Apache open source system, and Linux, the open source cousin of Unix, is challenging Microsoft’s products as the most popular business server operating system. Major IT users such as multinational banks, and major IT companies including IBM, Hewlett Packard, Sun Microsystems, Dell, Oracle, Informix, Intel, Fujitsu, AMD and Computer Associates are investing in and supporting Linux. In 1998, Netscape Communications made public (‘opened’) the source code for its Netscape web browser. In 1999 Apple published the source for the ‘Darwin’ core of its Mac OS X. The Perl freeware programming language continues to gain popularity for web‐based applications.

The purpose of this paper is to review aspects of innovation, research and development paradigms and paradigmatic changes which have occurred in construction over recent years.

The approach combines reviewing literature and some theory within the context of the author's experiences as a participant in the construction industry and associated research and education.

The paper concludes that much has been re‐cycled, often under amended titles. There is notable scope and advisability in paradigm shifts from reductionist/determinist approaches to stochastic approaches which accommodate complexities of interdependencies plus moves from “hard” positivism to “softer” constructivist perspectives.

The paper is limited in validity and reliability due to the methods employed. However, the conclusion does stress the essential of researchers being aware of and articulating the limitations of their work; the need for sound theoretical foundations is stressed in regard to both topics and methods.

Proper examinations of research, including ontologies, epistemologies, validities and reliabilities, as well as the topics under investigation, promotes good research and its application and avoids recycling of “popular” topics in periodically amended guises.

The paper expresses the author's original views, developed over a quite extensive and varied career; however, it expresses views held fairly widely but seldom expressed beyond “closed doors”.

Anthropologists have long discussed the ways in which their discipline has been entangled, consciously and unconsciously, with the colonized populations they study. A foundational text in this regard was Michel Leiris' Phantom Africa (L'Afrique fantôme; Leiris, 1934), which described an African ethnographic expedition led by Marcel Griaule as a form of colonial plunder. Leiris criticized anthropologists' focus on the most isolated, rural, and traditional cultures, which could more easily be described as untouched by European influences, and he saw this as a way of disavowing the very existence of colonialism. In 1950, Leiris challenged Europeans' ability even to understand the colonized, writing that “ethnography is closely linked to the colonial fact, whether ethnographers like it or not. In general they work in the colonial or semi-colonial territories dependent on their country of origin, and even if they receive no direct support from the local representatives of their government, they are tolerated by them and more or less identified, by the people they study, as agents of the administration” (Leiris, 1950, p. 358). Similar ideas were discussed by French social scientists throughout the 1950s. Maxime Rodinson argued in the Année sociologique that “colonial conditions make even the most technically sophisticated sociological research singularly unsatisfying, from the standpoint of the desiderata of a scientific sociology” (Rodinson, 1955, p. 373). In a rejoinder to Leiris, Pierre Bourdieu acknowledged in Work and Workers in Algeria (Travail et travailleurs en Algérie) that “no behavior, attitude or ideology can be explained objectively without reference to the existential situation of the colonized as it is determined by the action of economic and social forces characteristic of the colonial system,” but he insisted that the “problems of science” needed to be separated from “the anxieties of conscience” (2003, pp. 13–14). Since Bourdieu had been involved in a study of an incredibly violent redistribution of Algerians by the French colonial army at the height of the anticolonial revolutionary war, he had good reason to be sensitive to Leiris' criticisms (Bourdieu & Sayad, 1964). Rodinson called Bourdieu's critique of Leiris' thesis “excellent’ (1965, p. 360), but Bourdieu later revised his views, noting that the works that had been available to him at the time of his research in Algeria tended “to justify the colonial order” (1990, p. 3). At the 1974 colloquium that gave rise to a book on the connections between anthropology and colonialism, Le mal de voir, Bourdieu called for an analysis of the relatively autonomous field of colonial science (1993a, p. 51). A parallel discussion took place in American anthropology somewhat later, during the 1960s. At the 1965 meetings of the American Anthropological Association, Marshall Sahlins criticized the “enlistment of scholars” in “cold war projects such as Camelot” as “servants of power in a gendarmerie relationship to the Third World.” This constituted a “sycophantic relation to the state unbefitting science or citizenship” (Sahlins, 1967, pp. 72, 76). Sahlins underscored the connections between “scientific functionalism and the natural interest of a leading world power in the status quo” and called attention to the language of contagion and disease in the documents of “Project Camelot,” adding that “waiting on call is the doctor, the US Army, fully prepared for its self-appointed ‘important mission in the positive and constructive aspects of nation-building’” a mission accompanied by “insurgency prophylaxis” (1967, pp. 77–78). At the end of the decade, Current Anthropology published a series of articles on anthropologists’ “social responsibilities,” and Human Organization published a symposium entitled “Decolonizing Applied Social Sciences.” British anthropologists followed suit, as evidenced by Talal Asad's 1973 collection Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter. During the 1980s, authors such as Gothsch (1983) began to address the question of German anthropology's involvement in colonialism. The most recent revival of this discussion was in response to the Pentagon's deployment of “embedded anthropologists” in Afghanistan and elsewhere in the Middle East. The “Network of Concerned Anthropologists” in the AAA asked “researchers to sign an online pledge not to work with the military,” arguing that they “are not all necessarily opposed to other forms of anthropological consulting for the state, or for the military, especially when such cooperation contributes to generally accepted humanitarian objectives … However, work that is covert, work that breaches relations of openness and trust with studied populations, and work that enables the occupation of one country by another violates professional standards” (“Embedded Anthropologists” 2007).³ Other disciplines, notably geography, economics, area studies, and political science, have also started to examine the involvement of their fields with empire.⁴

Despite its stated intention to be independent, impartial and thorough, the 9-11 Commission was none of the three. The Commission was structurally compromised by bias-inducing connections to subjects of the investigation, and procedurally compromised, among other reasons, by (1) its failure to take up promising lines of inquiry and its failure to try to force the release of key documents that were closely guarded by the Bush administration, the FBI and various intelligence agencies; (2) its distortion of information about pre-9-11 military preparedness, foreknowledge of the attacks or attacks of like-kind; and (3) omissions of information related to the funding of the plot and the specific whereabouts of key officials on the morning of September 11, 2001.

These structural compromises and procedural failings converged to assure that the Commission would not challenge core elements of the “official story” of the 9-11 attacks. This failure was compounded by the Commission's desire to produce a final report that would read as a “historical narrative” rather than as an exhaustive set of findings on the critical unanswered questions that arose after the attacks. The Commission's unquestioning acceptance of the official narrative also meant that it missed a perhaps larger opportunity to challenge key myths associated with American exceptionalism. Thus, the 9-11 Commission ultimately functioned as an instrument of cultural hegemony, extending and deepening the official version of events under the guise of independence and impartiality.

In considering my academic history as a professor both in marketing and management, I hope to demonstrate that it is possible to research challenging and interesting topics in a variety of guises.

The presentation is primarily chronological but also, to some degree, selective. I have focused on my research activities but not forgotten the importance, at least to me, of both academic administration and indeed a broader set of interests in more general terms.

While there is inevitably a significant degree of path dependency in my academic career, I have also been quite keen to explore more broadly both the boundaries of my subjects and the application of various different research methods. I have been particularly fortunate to have worked with some excellent academic colleagues and stimulating doctoral students.

I believe there are a twin set of implications for other academics; however, I would emphasise that there is no single right way. For me it has been important to pick topics which are of interest to others and at the same time try and demonstrate some distinctive value added in my approach.

I hope that those who are earlier in their career will take heart from two principles, one being to do one’s best to be in interesting places and the other to work closely with colleagues who have challenging and different perspectives.

Looks at the sports industry and addresses the current situation for authors seeking to publish in the area of sports marketing. Sports currently represents the eleventh largest industry in the USA. Despite this, there are few mainstream marketing journals willing to publish manuscripts on sports marketing. In an effort to circumvent this problem, some sports marketing authors have “disguised” their research under the guise of “servicescapes” or leisure services. Looks at the topical content of the leading outlet for sports marketing manuscripts, Sport Marketing Quarterly. The author classifies the articles into 18 categories. Sponsorship is the most frequent topic for sport marketing papers, followed by general research and research on fans, spectators, and participants. Provides an extensive bibliography of sport‐marketing articles published in academic journals. While a few of these are in marketing journals, the vast majority are published “out of field”.

The topic of forecasting and our (in)ability to predict the future should be regularly revisited as our memories seem incredibly short and forgiving of inaccurate and false predictions, as well as our failure to predict what should have been obvious. Forecasting is a critical stage of the strategizing process. Why are we still getting it wrong?

Using a conceptual approach, this paper warns against placing too much faith in our predictive (in)abilities and attempts to address the question of why we continue to seek out and trust a flawed industry that profits from false prophecy.

Humans have always found comfort in soothsayers and mystics. Where once they came in the guise of tribal witch doctors, today many appear as economists, strategists, and consultants. Our need for security is readily exploited by people claiming to know the future. We receive pleasure from the act of cooperation and therefore prefer to believe rather than disbelieve. We place faith in myths rather than facts, and we fail to see what in hindsight should have been obvious.

This paper acts as a warning. Forecasting is about identifying patterns and themes and designing multiple response scenarios. Myths and magic have no place in the modern business world, and those who claim to “know” the future are really only speculating or lying – no one can “see” the future. Strategists can only reflect on the past, speculate in an informed manner, and design multiple alternative responses. The anomalous event, the pattern breaker, the surprise, will always be with us. The best we can do is to prepare for what might occur, and operate on the basis that just because something has been with us for a long time, it may not be with us forever.