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One of the major themes of management education is the development of theoretical models to aid the education and training of managers. Such theoretical formulations help educators to decide which teaching methods are appropriate in various situations, to conceptualise learning processes and to understand processes of growth and development of the individual manager. One such model which has received attention is Kolb's (1971) model of experiential learning, the core of which is a simple description of learning as a cyclic process: reflections on aspects of experience are used to make sense of that experience which in turn provides the basis for choice of new experience.

This monograph derives from a two‐part project undertaken for the Manpower Services Commission in 1984 and 1985. The first part of the project involved surveying the literature in order to establish the extent to which the subject of Learning to Learn had been covered and how much practical guidance was available to anyone wishing to help managers.

January 26, 1970 Building — Safety regulations — Crane — Limited mobility of — Workman injured while re‐painting — Whether “work of engineering construction” — Whether crane “any steel… structure other than a building” — Whether “of a similar nature” to a “structure” — Factories Act, 1961 (9 & 10 Eliz.II, c. 34), s. 176(1) — Engineering Construction (Extension of Definition) Regulations, 1960 (S.1. 1960,No. 421), reg. 3 and Sch. — Construction (Working Places) Regulations, 1966 (S.1. 1966, No. 94), reg. 2(1).

December 13, 1972 Docks — Port Talbot — “Dock estate” — Meaning — New harbour and jetty built adjacent to old harbour — Whether part of port of Port Talbot — “Dock work” — Discharging ore involving work with unloaders and belt conveyor system — Work not previously performed by registered dock workers — “Cargo” — “Discharging from ship” — Meanings — Dock Labour Scheme for the South Wales Ports (1942) App. (4) — Port of Port Talbot Registration Amended Scheme (1943) Sch. para. 1(1)(a) — Dock Workers (Regulation of Employment) Act, 1946 (9 & 10 Geo. VI, c.22), s. 6 — Dock Workers (Regulation of Employment) (Amendment) Order, 1967 (S. 1. 1967, No. 1252), Sch. 2, App. 1M(4).

Long before calories and joules were used to indicate energy values in relation to food, popular belief had it that some foods could increase man's output of labour, his physical strength and endurance, even his fertility. The nature of the foods varied over the years. From earliest times, flesh foods have inspired men to “gird their loins” and “put on armour”, but too long at the feasting tables produced sloth of body and spirit. Hunger sharpens the wit, which makes one wonder if that oft‐quoted statement of poverty and hunger before the Great War—“children too hungry learn”—was quite true; it is now so long ago for most of us to remember. Thetruism “An army marches on its stomach” related to food in general and relating feats of strength to individual foods is something more difficult to prove. The brawny Scot owes little to his porridge; the toiling Irish labourer moves mountains of earth, not from the beef steaks he claims to consume, but for the size of the pay‐packet at the end of the week!

Seeks to develop a model of different, contradictory, and even paradoxical, trends and approaches to management development (MD). Reviews current generic approaches to MD and offers a framework for the analysis of these approaches, based on Kolb’s work on experiential learning. Develops a four‐old analytical model which embraces both the practice and theory of MD in the UK and elsewhere. Makes brief mention of attempts to develop programmes for strategic managers, as opposed to more generic, usually operational manager‐oriented, programmes. Examines the relative paucity of advice on the development of strategic managers and whether there are qualitative differences between developing strategic and other managers.

In a previous monograph a discussion took place on stages one and part of stage two of the three stage process in an unfair dismissal action, namely the employee having to show that he has been dismissed (stage one), and some of the reasons for dismissal which fall within the statutory categories, namely the employee's capability and qualifications; misconduct and redundancy (part of stage two). In this monograph an analysis is proposed on the two remaining reasons, these being the contravention of a duty imposed by an enactment and some other substantial reason. There will then follow a discussion on the test of fairness as constituting the third of the three stage process and on the remedies available when the tribunal finds that the employee has been unfairly dismissed.

Fumes, grit, dust, dirt—all have long been recognized as occupational hazards, their seriousness depending on their nature and how they assail the human body, by ingestion, absorption, inhalation, the last being considered the most likely to cause permanent damage. It would not be an exaggeration to state that National Insurance (Industrial Injuries) provisions, now contained in the Social Security Act, 1975, with all the regulations made to implement the law, had their birth in compensating victims of lung disease from inhalation of dust. Over the years, the range of recognized dust disease, prescribed under regulations, has grown, but there are other recognized risks to human life and health from dusts of various kinds, produced not from the manufacturing, mining and quarrying, &c. industries; but from a number of areas where it can contaminate and constitute a hazard to vulnerable products and persons. An early intervention by legislation concerned exposed foods, e.g. uncovered meat on open shop fronts, to dust and in narrow streets, mud splashed from road surfaces. The composition of dust varies with its sources—external, atmospheric, seasonal or interior sources, uses and occupations, comings and goings, and in particular, the standards of cleaning and, where necessary, precautions to prevent dust accumulation. One area for long under constant scrutiny and a subject of considerable research is the interior of hospital wards, treatment rooms and operating theatres.

Legal process by its very nature cannot be swift; step by step, it must be steady and sure and this takes time. There is no room for hasty decisions for these would tend to defeat its purpose. Time, however, is of the essence and this is set for various aspects of legal action by limitation of actions legislation, which sets periods after which the case is no longer actionable. The periods are adequate and in civil law, generous to avoid injustice being done. The one serious complaint against the process of law, however, is the unwarrantable delays which are possible despite limitation. From the far‐off days of Equity, when Dickens' Jarndyce v Jarndyce, caricatured and exaggerated as it was, described the scene down to the present when delays, often spoken of in Court as outrageous are encountered, to say nothing of the crowded lists in the High Courts and Crown Courts; the result of the state of society and not the fault of the judiciary. Early in 1980, it was reported that 14,500 cases were awaiting trial in the Southeastern Circuit Crown Court alone. Outside the Courts legal work hangs on, to the annoyance of those concerned; from house purchase to probate. Here, the solicitor is very much his own master, unhampered by statutory time limits and the only recourse a client has is to change this solicitor, with no certainty that there will be any improvement, or appeal to the Law Society.

Few will complain that 1974 has not been an eventful year; in a number of significant respects, it has made history. Local Government and National Health Services reorganizations are such events. This is indeed the day of the extra‐large authority, massive monoliths for central administration, metropolitan conurbations for regional control, district councils corresponding to the large authorities of other days; and in a sense, it is not local government any more. As in other fields, the “big batallions” acquire greater collective power than the total sum of the smaller units, can wield it more effectively, even ruthlessly, but rarely appearing to take into account the masses of little people, the quiet people, who cannot make themselves heard. As expected, new names of authorities are replacing the old; new titles for departments and officers, ambitious and high‐sounding; a little grandiose for the tongues of ordinary folk. Another history‐making event of 1974, in the nature of a departmental transfer but highly significant for the course of future events as far as work in the field is concerned, was handing over of the personal health services—health of expectant mothers, babies, children, domiciliary midwifery, the school health services and their mainly medical and nursing personnel—from local health authorities to the newly created area health authorities. The public health departments over fifty years and more had created them, built them up into the highly efficient services they are. If anything can be learned from the past, new authorities are always more expensive than those they replace; they spend freely and are lavish with their accommodation and furnishings. In their first few months of existence, the new bodies have proved they are no exception. News of their meetings and activities in many areas is now scanty; even local newspapers which usually thrive on Council news—or quarrels—seem to have been caught on the wrong foot, especially in the small towns now merged into larger units. The public are relatively uninformed, but this doubtless will soon be rectified.