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This paper takes a contemplative analysis of non-violent activism in a hyperlocal context that is historically marked by violent clashes. It emphasizes the importance of placing nonviolent activities within leadership frameworks that prioritize collectivity, collaboration, adaptiveness, authenticity, and community interactions. It argues that non-violent activism can serve as a cornerstone of democratic practices, and plausible to a myriad of challenges in civic spaces. The assertion that violence is not a prerequisite for gaining the attention of authorities capable of enacting societal change is supported by several studies. This paper advocates for a reorientation of collaborative efforts between those in positions of authority and civil society leaders to foster progress. There is power in the decibel of voices of the people, to correct acts of omission and commission that is impacting negatively on the citizens. In context characterized by volatility and fragility, the paper suggests prioritizing the process of influencing, mobilizing and organizing responsive interventions rather than solely focusing on the ends or outcomes. Process-oriented approach creates containers for curiosity, relational, and experimental practices that interweave multi-dimensional perspectives. The social change actors navigated cultural and structural barriers to implement non-violent strategies, offering a compelling example of grassroots peace building. Overall, this paper findings underscores the significance of understanding both direct and structural violence in shaping citizen’s right within specific context. It highlights the efficacy of context-based leadership practices in promoting non-violent organizing for peace, particularly in hyperlocal settings. Moreover, it suggests that these findings could inform indigenous peace building that is inherently influenced by contextual factors.

Adopting a case study, I was able to elucidate a context-based leadership model advanced by local women that averted a probable political violence in Nigeria. A case study approach was adopted because it is a phenomenon that is bounded in time, context and advanced by a particular group of change agents. A case study with a constructivist approach was utilized to understand the context and sense making of the “why” and the “what”. In situatedness, the natural occurring data was cultivated, including one-on-one indepth interviews. Data was analyzed using a narrative analysis, which raised themes on resilience, collectivity, collaboration, risk and sustainability. The findings pivot a culturally based experience of leadership by women in a fragile context. First, I provided a contextual background, explaining the local context, including the socio-economic, cultural, political and historical factors that contributed to the emergence of the conflict. In addition, I explained the scope and nature of the conflict, describing the grievances and issues that led to the tensions within the community, and highlighting the key actors and stakeholders involved. Secondly, I analyzed the non-violent strategies and tactics employed by a group of social change actors to address the issue which involved non-violent protest, tactical community organizing, dialogic engagements and creative forms of interventions. Thirdly, I evaluated and explained the role of leadership in coordinating non-violent activities and actions, the effectiveness of their leadership style, relational and processual, that sustained the non -violent approach, and the challenges the group encountered. In addition, I explained the outcome from such leadership practice and lessons learned, with evidence of a dismantling of power dynamics, and shift in attitude to a non-violent disposition. Lastly, I explained how this approach may have broader implications for understanding nonviolent conflict resolution, social movements, and the promotion of peace and justice in local contexts and beyond.

A leadership practice that is relational and collective should have consideration for both the context where the leadership is exercised and deliberate on the processes necessary to hold containers for everyone to engage. This is gradually dismantling the hegemonic conceptualization of peace building, with a gradual shift of co-construction and sense making of peace building, with implication for more diversity and inclusion of persons and perspectives. It also underscores a system that deconstructs and departs form colonized thinking and contributes to conditions that enables and inspires alternative approaches to addressing oppressive power structures. (1) In unstable situations, leadership frequently arises from within communities, driven by individuals and groups intimately connected to their realities. The Nassarawan women embody this grassroots leadership, marked by wisdom, resilience, and a dedication to creating positive change despite significant obstacles. They embrace non-violent strategies, inspired by past successes, recognizing their potency in effecting change. (2) The leadership of these women illustrates the importance of mobilizing collective strength for justice and equality, showcasing how local leadership can catalyze transformative change for the better. (3) Indigenous styles of leadership possess the capacity to go beyond conventional concepts and embrace intricacy, flexibility, and inclusiveness. A multi-faceted leadership strategy becomes especially pertinent as it enables individuals to navigate complexity, confront challenges, and cultivate resilience within their communities, rather than depending solely on traditional methods.(4) The practice of peace leadership isn’t necessarily linked to official positions, titles, or authority. Rather, it appears as a continuous, intentional effort within community interactions, often arising from unexpected situations and sources.

Most of the women engaged in this leadership activity are located in remote areas, and this research had access to only a few who storied their experiences in ways they understood how to.

With the rapid shift and call for more non-violent activism, we must be open to sample the different textures relevant for varied conditions. This holds a huge implication for understanding the psychology of communities expressing the full human agency in exercising leadership that is contextually driven. The connection between local struggles and global movements for social justice and human rights is profound and multifaceted. Firstly, there’s a shared value across movements for equity, equality, justice, dignity, and human rights, spanning issues like environmental protection, gender equality, racial justice, and indigenous rights. Local movements increasingly emphasize building solidarity across borders, collaborating with similar movements worldwide through actions like protests and social media campaigns. This amplifies local voices on a global stage and underscores the interconnectedness of struggles. The leadership of the women’s group holds significant implications for global movements, offering insights into grassroots perspectives on social issues. Their localized knowledge enriches global discourse on social change, providing tangible examples of challenges faced by marginalized groups and culturally relevant solutions. Additionally, their commitment to nonviolent methods establishes a platform for marginalized voices and fosters solidarity across diverse communities. The group’s innovative approaches, drawing upon local resources and grassroots networks, demonstrate the power of community-driven solutions to address social problems. Moreover, their grassroots empowerment shifts power dynamics within communities and influences broader systemic transformations, all while advocating for justice through peaceful means. These practices not only spark global solidarity but also shape public discourse and policy agendas at state and national levels, highlighting the human rights implications of local issues like political corruption. Overall, the women’s group exemplifies the transformative potential of grassroots activism in effecting lasting change on a global scale.

The power for everyday peace leadership rests with the people and it is translated into meaningful outcomes when everyone has the opportunity to lead.

Research has been done on many women led movement in Nigeria, but this is unique, as it changed the narrative for an approach that was successful in shifting cultural boundaries in very fragile and uncertain context.

As Africa strives to catch up with the rest of the world at the economic, political and sociocultural fronts, there is an increasing coalescence around the need for backward integration and the revival of traditional business management practices as enablers in the global war for economic dominance. Unfortunately, a significant consequence of colonial rule was the systematic denigration and portrayal of traditional African institutions and knowledge systems as inferior to those of the West. Although the negative depiction of the African worldview has been extensively challenged in the academy, changes in their perception and adoption have remained slow. The ‘Igbo Apprenticeship System’ (IAS), widely recognised as the largest business incubator platform in the world today, is a great testament to the sophistication and resilience of indigenous African business models and the need to scale up their impact as a strategic step towards the economic emancipation of the continent. However, one fundamental aspect of IAS's success story that is hardly ever mentioned in the extant literature is its approach to conflict management. Understandably, business by its nature is competitive and conflict-prone. Nonetheless, the Igbos appear to have successfully managed different types of conflicts associated with their traditional business model without recourse to western methods or processes. Using a conceptual approach, this chapter attempts to examine the efficacy of the conflict transformation mechanisms in the ‘Igbo Traditional Business School’ (I-TBS) against the background of emerging challenges in the twenty-first-century business environments in Africa and around the world. From the prism of the Conflict Transformation Theory, the chapter argues that I-TBS can serve as a vehicle for the economic growth of the continent, but it must be prepared to deal with ‘new’ conflicts and demands arising from within and outside of its ecosystem.

This paper aims to present the continuous Nigerian Government’s failure to protect the lives and property of its citizens against the incessant itinerant herders’ violence, despite its numerous programs in attempts to end the carnage. It sought also to examine the relationship between this government’s failure to meet its responsibility and the ineluctable self-defense mechanisms adopted by the people of Plateau State, Nigeria.

The research was both quantitative and qualitative. The study was conducted in four of the 17 Local Government Areas of the state: Bassa, Jos-south, Riyom and Barkin Ladi. A sample size of 400 was determined using Yamane Taro’s sampling size formula. Four hundred respondents were interviewed using a Google questionnaire (found at this link: https://forms.gle/tu96ZDwP85e8JsGu8). In this study, a total of seven key informant interviews and nine focus group discussions were conducted.

The finding revealed that most indigenous ethnic groups were dissatisfied with the government’s handling of the nomadic herders’ aggression. Therefore, 99.1% of Berom, 99.0% of Irigwe and 92.9% of other ethnicities argued that the government’s failure to protect them is a tacit permission for self-defense. On the contrary, 60.0% of the Fulani were satisfied with the government’s strategies in ending the aggression and 95.0% of them argued that the government’s failure to protect its citizens is not an implied permission for self-defense. It was also found that a relationship exists between the government’s lack of capacity to end the nomadic herders’ aggression and implied consent for self-defense in Plateau State, Nigeria.

This is a research paper that uses primary data. The findings are germane to ending the challenge of recurrent aggression of nomadic herders on other Nigerians. The study concludes that the government must live up to its responsibility of the protection of its citizens’ lives and property, failure to do so is an implicit permission to the citizens to defend themselves. It also recommended that the government should return displaced people to their communities.

Much attention has been paid to farm credit access with less focus on determining the actual credit amount needed to bring about a specified increase in productivity relative to the finance being sought. The paper aims to discuss this issue.

Using 2016 cross-sectional data of plantain farmers, the authors employ the Cobb–Douglas stochastic frontier production function to determine the technical efficiency (TE) of each farmer. Current plantain quantity produced by farmers and the TE are then used to estimate plantain quantity at a target efficiency. The finance needed to produce at the target efficiency is estimated using the Harrod–Domar (HD) growth equation and the authors then subtract the farmers’ savings from the estimated amount to determine the financing gap of the farmers.

Results of this study show that the actual amount required to improve the productivity of farmers to target levels of TE can be estimated and that credit amount granted to farmers can be tied to a specific production efficiency. Credit schemes with interest rates below 9 per cent are more beneficial to farmers while access to credit is determined by interest rate, education, credit process duration, land ownership and asset value in the study area.

The implication of this research is that it opens up the possibility of further exploring the application of the HD theory at the micro level.

The findings in this study have important implications on the provision of agricultural credit to small farmers. The first is that the TE of farmers plays a very critical role in determining the actual amount of credit needed to bridge the farm-level financing gap and impact positively on productivity. Second, while it is important to bridge the farm-level financing gap, this can only be beneficial to the farmers at single-digit interest rates below 7 per cent. Finally, granting of credit to farmers can be tied to specific production increase target to reduce indiscipline and mismanagement in credit use.

The findings of this study will go along in helping to prevent mismanagement and indiscipline in the use of scarce financial resources in agricultural production.

This study is the first of its kind, using TE and bringing the HD equation down to the farm level to estimate the exact amount required by farmers to bring about specific increase in production, determining the credit amount beyond which mismanagement may set in.

Microcredit schemes fashioned after the Grameen Bank model are widely acclaimed for their potential for empowering the poor through access to credit based on social collateral. However, women market vendors in Ibadan refer to microcredit loans as owo komulelanta, a term which translates as “resting the breasts on a hot kerosene lantern,” a plain critique of the stringent conditions of loan repayment. This paper presents the lived experience of borrowers based upon ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2017 and 2019. It reflects on the Nigerian state's neoliberal policies of microfinance and the experience of women borrowers. The paper argues that social–emotional vulnerability of women borrowers is exacerbated by the acceptance of a loan due to the rigid system of repayment and harassment from providers.