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From one angle, abortion law appears to confirm the regime politics account of the Supreme Court; after all, the Reagan/Bush coalition succeeded in significantly curtailing the constitutional protection of abortion rights. From another angle, however, it is puzzling that the Reagan/Bush Court repeatedly refused to overturn Roe v. Wade. We argue that time and again electoral considerations led Republican elites to back away from a forceful assertion of their agenda for constitutional change. As a result, the justices generally acted within the range of possibilities acceptable to the governing regime but still typically had multiple doctrinal options from which to choose.

Recent developments in global commerce have witnessed the advent of the virtual enterprise#. Groups of companies are forming short‐term relationships to collaborate on one‐off projects. Typically these enterprises form a consortium to bid for a project for which they do not have the capability of winning as individual concerns. In order that the virtual enterprise operates effectively the systems which underpin the separate enterprises must be capable of interoperation#. One means of achieving this is by the adoption of suitable international approved standards. Addresses this issue by considering the requirements placed on standards activities for the support of virtual enterprises. Then proposes a means by which current standards can be classified and scoped within an overall framework. Considers the various approaches taken within these standards activities and proposes some strategies for future development.

R. J. P. Nicklin & Co. Ltd. the Sheffield‐based corrosion engineering and inspection organisation, has appointed Mr. William Dickson as manager to head its recently opened Rotterdam office. He joined R. J. P. Nicklin four years ago and has wide experience of surface preparation and protection, particularly in the marine and shipbuilding industries.

This chapter addresses commentary about constitutional law and politics in this current era of a conservative domination of the judiciary.¹ Its primary concern is the different ways in which a working majority on the Court and its judiciary of appointees by Presidents Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and George W. Bush might be conservative,² and the different ways in which domination might take place.³ The frame for the chapter is what I call an “indifference thesis” for analyzing constitutional law and politics. Stated boldly, the thesis is that there should be a commentary distinguished by an interpretive attitude that distrusts, and intentionally resists, analysis based on preconceived notions about the strengths and weaknesses of any constitutional law and politics, be it conservative or left-liberal.⁴ Perhaps, to many readers, an indifference thesis for commentary appears methodologically odd, if not politically perverse. Therefore, the first order of business is to try to make the thesis less odd and perverse by explaining its provenance and attributes.⁵

In preparing this report, the compliance sub‐group has set out to (a) summarise the current compliance regime as a matter of law and practice, (b) identify particular problem areas within that regime concerning public sector officials (PSOs), and (c) suggest recommendations for change. The result may be seen as providing features of a ‘model’ compliance structure designed to cause difficulties for corrupt PSOs seeking to launder the proceeds of their corruption; UK law and practice has formed the springboard for the model, but it should be stressed that in order to be of any utility any suggested changes would have to be adopted (effectively) universally throughout the financial world. Piecemeal adoption by one or a few states would merely be likely to drive the tainted monies elsewhere, and would not serve the desired purpose of reducing the extent/profitability of corruption.