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Legumes have worldwide improtance Nigel Lambert PhD and Roger Fenwick PhD write about and organisation which has been set up to improve these protain rich foods

In the past, it has been assumed that consumers would accept novel foods if there is a concrete and tangible consumer benefit associated with them, which implies that functional foods would quickly be accepted. However, there is evidence that individuals are likely to differ in the extent to which they are likely to buy products with particular functional properties. Various cross‐cultural and demographic differences in acceptance found in the literature are reviewed, as well as barriers to dietary change. In conclusion, it is argued that understanding consumers’ risk perceptions and concerns associated with processing technologies, emerging scientific innovations and their own health status may enable the development of information strategies that are relevant to wider groups of individuals in the population, and deliver real health benefits to people at risk of, or suffering from, major degenerative illnesses.

The purpose of this paper is to underpin a scoping study commissioned by community leaders to assess the potential for creating a “health café” in the centre of Boston, in eastern England, UK, to facilitate healthier lifestyles.

A mixed methods and framework analytic approach was adopted, using documentary, focus group, interview and survey data. The paper drew on social marketing principles to enhance the community relevance of findings.

Community stakeholders and public were generally supportive of a “health café” facility in the town centre. Accessibility and a welcoming environment were seen as key factors. A wide range of health-related services in addition to providing healthy foods were proposed. Key issues identified were: a wider role of the facility as a community “health hub”; appropriate marketing approaches; food provision issues and sustainability. All groups contacted saw the word “health” as off-putting.

As with many commissioned scoping studies, the timetable for delivery was very short, just three months, significantly influencing the choices of methodological approaches taken up. This made it important to provide a multi-disciplinary multi-methods design to enhance triangulation and a research team with extensive community research experience including previous research in this region. It was also important to specify and locate any knowledge claims from the findings.

The research helped engage community stakeholders to tap a diversity of views which could be adopted by community leaders into their ongoing health strategies and development plans for a “health hub” for Boston.

The paper provides important information for those embarking on community health education projects and particularly in how to tailor health research methods to real-world timescales and stakeholder perspectives. Insights are also provided into community attitudes, understandings and behaviours towards healthy living in a part of the UK with a well-documented history of poor health.

Peas and beans are traditional UK crops well suited to the British climate. Compared with cereals, legumes are capable of fixing nitrogen, and hence do not require nitrogen fertiliser. Despite this advantage, the annual UK production of peas and beans is only about 1 million tonnes compared with roughly 13 million and 10 million tonnes of wheat and barley respectively. Thus these eco‐friendly ‘low‐input’ legumes can almost be regarded as ‘alternative crops’. The greater exploitation of peas and beans in Britain has long been debated amongst farmers, seed companies, food manufacturers and politicians alike, but much inertia still exists.

“Male” and “low‐income” are both risk factors for eating a nutritionally sub‐standard diet. The aim of the study was to explore the attitudes and experiences of typical low‐income males towards food and health. Information would build upon that previously obtained from a matched group of women, providing the opportunity to explore possible gender issues.

A qualitative approach was used to meet the study aims. Face‐to‐face, in‐depth interviews were conducted in 2001 with eleven middle‐aged men who were typical of a substantial low‐income sub‐group. Interviews focussed upon the issues of cancer prevention and fruits and vegetables. Transcripts were analysed using an established interpretative phenomenological approach.

Previous life‐experiences and control beliefs concerning personal health were key themes influencing dietary attitudes and behaviours. Lack of food/health information and access to healthy foods were not significant factors. Although money was limiting, this in itself, did not prevent the men from eating appropriately. Core findings were similar (with certain exceptions) to those reported previously for a comparable group of women.

Further studies are needed to test the transferability of these findings to low‐income men of different age, region and ethnicity, as well as to more affluent men.

Greater emphasis on sociological frameworks is needed in both the setting of public health nutrition policies and in how food and nutrition is taught in schools. The potential dangers of stigmatising “the poor” as consumers of “bad” diets should be considered.

Simplistic statistical correlations do not adequately explain the complex causes of unhealthy diets and a greater emphasis upon social and cultural dynamics is required.

Encouraging the UK public to quit smoking has been a public health feature for over a century to a greater or lesser degree. Persuading people to consume five or more portions of fruits and vegetables is a far newer health policy, with a history of only some ten years. The article compares the established anti‐smoking campaign with that of the fledgling “five‐a‐day” campaign to discover what, if anything, the latter can learn from the former, and what the future prospects may be for improving food choice. The two campaigns are compared in terms of the quality of health message and the environmental pressures adopted to facilitate the desired health behaviour. Motivation issues and the need to engage the public more were also seen as key campaign factors.

It tends to be called the corner shop, mainly because it occupied a corner building for extra window space, but also due to the impetus given to the name by television series seeking to portray life as it used to be. The village grew from the land, a permanent stopping place for the wandering tribes of early Britain, the Saxons, Welsh, Angles; it furnished the needs of those forming it and eventually a village store or shop was one of those needs. Where the needs have remained unchanged, the village is much as it has always been, a historical portrait. The town grew out of the village, sometimes a conglomerate of several adjacent villages. In the days before cheap transport, the corner shop, in euphoric business terms, would be described as “a little gold mine”, able to hold its own against the first introduction of multiple chain stores, but after 1914 everything changed. Edwardian England was blasted out of existence by the holocaust of 1914–18, destroyed beyond all hope of recovery. The patterns of retail trading changed and have been continuously changing ever since. A highly developed system of cheap bus transport took village housewives and also those in the outlying parts of town into busy central shopping streets. The jaunt of the week for the village wife who saw little during the working days; the corner shop remained mainly for things they had “run out of”. Every village had its “uppety” madames however who affected disdain of the corner shop and its proprietors, preferring to swish their skirts in more fashionable emporia, basking in the obsequious reception by the proprietor and his equally servile staff.

PETER LABDON, of the calibre of whose editorship of this organ during the past five years you should be thoroughly appreciative, is to become the Hon Treasurer of the Library Association in 1983; and, while none of us felt his ordinary membership of LA Council to have been in conflict with editing NLW, one of the principal honorary officerships of the LA obviously is. So, with a great deal of regret all round, and gratitude on my part for his achievements, Peter will be relinquishing the editorship at the end of this year.

In June 2016, a clear majority of English voters chose to unilaterally take the United Kingdom out of the European Union (EU). According to many of the post-Brexit vote analyses, the single strongest motivating factor driving this vote was “immigration” in Britain, an issue which had long been the central mobilizing force of the United Kingdom Independence Party. The chapter focuses on how – following the bitter demise of multiculturalism – these Brexit related developments may now signal the end of Britain's postcolonial settlement on migration and race, the other parts of a progressive philosophy which had long been marked out as a proud British distinction from its neighbors. In successfully racializing, lumping together, and relabeling as “immigrants” three anomalous non-“immigrant” groups – asylum seekers, EU nationals, and British Muslims – UKIP leader Nigel Farage made explicit an insidious recasting of ideas of “immigration” and “integration,” emergent since the year 2000, which exhumed the ideas of Enoch Powell and threatened the status of even the most settled British minority ethnic populations – as has been seen in the Windrush scandal. Central to this has been the rejection of the postnational principle of non-discrimination by nationality, which had seen its fullest European expression in Britain during the 1990s and 2000s. The referendum on Brexit enabled an extraordinary democratic vote on the notion of “national” population and membership, in which “the People” might openly roll back the various diasporic, multinational, cosmopolitan, or human rights–based conceptions of global society which had taken root during those decades. This chapter unpacks the toxic cocktail that lays behind the forces propelling Boris Johnson to power. It also raises the question of whether Britain will provide a negative examplar to the rest of Europe on issues concerning the future of multiethnic societies.

There is little consensus regarding what constitutes an effective therapist when working with adults with intellectual disabilities (ID) who have a mental health problem. This study aims to explore whether clusters of clinical psychologists (CPs) could be differentiated with regards to beliefs as to what defines an effective therapist for adults with ID experiencing psychological distress and seeking treatment.

Four interviews with CPs and an associated thematic analysis created the 49-item Q-set. These items were then sorted into a forced quasi-normal distribution by N = 27 CPs via an online Q-sorting task.

Three participant clusters were identified in the principal components analysis that accounted for 49% of the variance. These clusters were labelled the creative collaborator, the reflective expert and the system integrator.

Differences exist regarding beliefs as to what the psychotherapeutic approaches effective therapists working with ID and comorbid mental health problems should take. These differences approximated to preferred psychological therapy models. This study is critiqued to enable future research on this topic to progress.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first study to explore what constitutes an effective psychological therapist for people who have ID.