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The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether it is possible to identify different types of sadistic offenders within a sample of sexual homicide offenders (SHOs).

The study addresses this research question through the use of two-step hierarchal cluster analysis and binary logistic regression utilizing a sample of 350 cases of sexual homicide from Canada.

Results from cluster analysis show that three groups emerge: a non-sadistic group, a mixed group that show evidence of some sadistic behavior and a sadistic group that have high levels of sadistic behavior. Additionally, the sadistic cluster was more likely to destroy or remove evidence at the crime scene than the mixed and non-sadistic cluster and was more likely to leave the victim’s body at a deserted location than the non-sadistic cluster.

This is the first study to examine the dimensionality of sadism within a sample of SHOs.

The purpose of this study is to examine social mobility. Social mobility has traditionally been thought to result in a divided habitus. However, recent work has suggested that for the socially mobile, habitus may become blended or even that individuals can choose their habitus in a strategic fashion. Each position has received empirical support, raising two questions. First, does the experience of social mobility result in a habitus that is more divided or strategic? Second, what factors affect this outcome?

These questions are investigated by conducting depth interviews with people who have experienced social mobility.

The direction of social mobility determines what effect social mobility has on the habitus. For the downwardly mobile, the habitus appears to remain rooted in one’s former class. This is because downward movement is devalued, and so there is less incentive for those who experience it to change their thoughts, feelings or behaviors to match their new position. For the upwardly mobile, the habitus changes slowly. The trajectory and the subjective experience also affect the outcome. Two strategies respondents use to deal with social mobility are noted.

Bourdieu’s notion of the divided habitus is reconsidered and compared to newer incarnations, and the importance of the direction of social mobility is underlined. This work explains why upward and downward mobility result in different changes in the habitus.

Investigating the experience of social mobility is particularly important given the frequent, dynamic nature of mobility in European countries. Two strategies used to manage downward mobility are identified.

This work reconsiders Bourdieu’s notion of the divided habitus and newer incarnations and explains why upward and downward mobility result in different changes in the habitus. Such a finding is not only an invitation to expand on the notion of habitus but also works to draw attention to other factors that play a role in habitus and strategies used to manage change.

Culturally responsive and equitable evaluation (CREE) is a methodological paradigm that intertwines the principles of ethnography with community-centered approaches to amplify the authenticity and efficacy of program evaluations. This chapter explores the integration of ethnographic inquiry and methods to enhance evaluators' engagement with diverse stakeholders through a foundation of mutual respect, co-learning, and capacity building. Ethnography contributes depth to CREE by facilitating sustained participatory engagement, open-ended interviewing, and immersive observation, capturing the intricate cultural dynamics that inform context-specific recommendations. A crucial element of this integration is reflexivity concerning evaluators' privilege and positionality. By maintaining proactive transparency about their insider–outsider status and actively balancing power dynamics, evaluators can mitigate cultural blind spots and extractive biases. This approach not only foregrounds marginalized voices but also emphasizes critical self-interrogation, advancing the evaluation's potential to enact social change. However, without relentless anti-oppressive reflexivity, there is a risk of merely appropriating ethnographic methods for cosmetic purposes, thereby undermining the humanistic and authenticity aims of CREE. For program evaluators committed to adhering to the guiding principles of cultural competence, continuous professional development in ethnographic and CREE methodologies is essential. This chapter describes the meaningful integration of these methods, fostering more respectful, authentic, and equitable engagements with communities. Future directions for evaluation practice should focus on developing ethnographic, participatory, and community-based methods training, integrating critical theories to address power dynamics and promote reflexivity, and ensuring that evaluations not only meet technical standards but also achieve profound societal impact through a committed, collaborative, and authentic approach.

We examine the influence of ownership structure on a blockholder’s power in a firm. We first describe the presence and ownership stakes of blockholders in a comprehensive sample of US firms. We develop a measure of the influence of the ownership structure on a blockholder’s power and show that an average blockholder loses 12% of her potential power due to the presence and size of the ownership stakes of other blockholders. Further, the influence of ownership structure varies systematically with a blockholder’s rank and identity, with the second and nonfamily manager blockholders experiencing the largest loss of power.