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This study aims to understand how travelers evaluate travel destination recommendations received from either artificial intelligence (AI) or human travel experts (TEs) based on the size of recommendation and their travel involvement.

This study used a 2 (agent type: AI vs TE) × 2 (size of recommendation: small vs large) × 2 (travel involvement: low vs high) between-subjects design.

When AI recommends destinations, less-involved travelers perceive the recommendations as more credible and trust the system when AI offers larger recommendations than smaller ones. Meanwhile, when TEs offer recommendations, travelers consider the recommendations as equally credible and similarly trust the system, regardless of the recommendation size and travel involvement.

This study sheds light on the design of human-centered AI travel destination recommendation services.

本研究旨在了解旅行者如何根据推荐的规模和他们的旅行参与度来评估从人工智能 (AI) 或人类旅行专家 (TE) 收到的旅行目的地推荐。

本研究使用 2（代理类型：AI 与 TE）×2（推荐数量：小与大）×2（旅行参与：低与高）受试者间设计。

当 AI 推荐目的地时, 参与度较低的旅行者认为推荐更可信, 并且当 AI 提供的建议比较小的建议大时信任系统。 同时, 当 TE 提供推荐时, 无论推荐数量大小和旅行参与度如何, 旅行者都认为这些推荐同样可信并且同样信任系统。

这项研究揭示了以人为本的人工智能旅游目的地推荐服务的设计。

After the Korean War, South Korean politics was dominated by national security concerns. Reversing Carl von Clausewitz's well-known dictum, in South Korea, “politics is the continuation of war by other means.” Until the late 1980s, politics in South Korea was far from democratic. South Korea had five direct presidential elections (1987, 1992, 1997, 2002, and 2007) and six national assembly elections (1988, 1992, 1996, 2000, 2004, and 2008) after the democratic transition of 1987. In 1992, a civilian candidate, Young Sam Kim, was elected president. Young Sam Kim (1993–1998) prosecuted and punished former generals turned presidents Doo Hwan Chun (1980–1988) and Tae Woo Roh (1988–1993) for corruption, mutiny and treason in 1995. Dae Jung Kim (1998–2003) was elected president in 1997. For the first time in South Korean political history, regime change occurred between a ruling party and an opposition party.

In this chapter, the change and continuity of civil–military relations through the fluctuating dynamics of the democratic transition and consolidation in South Korea is examined. A positive consolidation of democratic reform is one that, while securing indisputable civilian supremacy, grants the military enough institutional autonomy for the efficient pursuit of its mission. Civilian supremacy should be institutionalized not only by preventing military intervention in civilian politics but also by ensuring civilian control over the formation and implementation of national defense policy.

In sum, despite three terms of civilian presidency, civilian supremacy has not yet fully institutionalized. Although significant changes in civil-military relations did occur after the democratic transition, they were not initiated by elected leaders with the intention of establishing a firm institutional footing for civilian supremacy. South Korea's political leaders have not crafted durable regulations and institutions that will sustain civilian control over the military.

More than six decades, Korea is still divided. The most highly militarized zone in the world lies along the demilitarized zone. How to draw the line prudently between seeking national security and promoting democracy shall be the most delicate task facing all the civilian regimes to come in South Korea. That mission will remain challenging not only for civilian politicians but also for military leaders.

The Hanbo (meaning Korean treasure) scandal or “Hanbogate” occurred on January 23, 1997, with the bankruptcy of Hanbo Iron and Steel Company, the second largest steel company and 14th largest conglomerate in South Korea, as its debt had accumulated to US$5.6 billion. Hanbo's bankruptcy triggered an investigation by the Public Prosecutor's Office that resulted in the imprisonment for 15 years of Hanbo's founder, Chung Tae-Soo, for bribing politicians and bankers to pressure banks to extend hugh bank loans to Hanbo. Nine other persons were also convicted including Chung's son, who was jailed for three years for bribery and embezzlement, and Kim Hyun-Chol, the second son of President Kim Young-Sam, who was sentenced to three years jail and fined US$1.5 million (New York Times, 1997).

Korea was an oppressed country colonized by Japan and is a divided country confronting North Korea. Nevertheless, it has established the capitalism faster than any other countries and has repeatedly underwent acculturation and adaption. In such a society, the national football team has served as a national center. Hence, Korean football fans did not allow any diaspora in organizing athletes for the national football team. They instead forced national athletes to make self-sacrifice for the nation and even asked them to be morally solemn. Their perceptions on the national team, however, seem to be changed. It is, therefore, necessary to explore the meaning of the national football team in terms of changes of the “nation” and the “nationalism.” The use of the national team as a measure for pursuing a profit, by escaping from the existing recognition of them as warriors fighting for their country, the adoration for football powers actively accepting naturalized athletes and the active support for our own athletes to advance the European leagues deviate from the existing concepts of the nation and the nationalism, which the Korean society has preserved. This study attempts to explore changes in the meanings of the national football team perceived by football fans based on the concepts of the nation and the nationalism and to predict the future changes in those of it.

Man has been seeking an ideal existence for a very long time. In this existence, justice, love, and peace are no longer words, but actual experiences. How ever, with the American preemptive invasion and occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq and the subsequent prisoner abuse, such an existence seems to be farther and farther away from reality. The purpose of this work is to stop this dangerous trend by promoting justice, love, and peace through a change of the paradigm that is inconsistent with justice, love, and peace. The strong paradigm that created the strong nation like the U.S. and the strong man like George W. Bush have been the culprit, rather than the contributor, of the above three universal ideals. Thus, rather than justice, love, and peace, the strong paradigm resulted in in justice, hatred, and violence. In order to remove these three and related evils, what the world needs in the beginning of the third millenium is the weak paradigm. Through the acceptance of the latter paradigm, the golden mean or middle paradigm can be formulated, which is a synergy of the weak and the strong paradigm. In order to understand properly the meaning of these paradigms, however, some digression appears necessary.

In this chapter, we examine the multifaceted challenges that feminist labor organizations face in decommodifying the lives and labor of poor and working-class women. Using an in-depth case study of domestic worker organizing in South Korea, we find that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) such as the National House Managers Cooperative and the Korean Women Workers Association became entangled in hegemonic state projects that linked support for women’s basic livelihoods to the proliferation of part-time, informal domestic work in the context of widespread crises. To challenge the discriminatory and market-driven logics of state-driven social protection efforts, these NGOs have advanced an emancipatory agenda to improve the working conditions, labor rights, and social dignity of domestic workers through consciousness-raising grassroots organizing methods and contentious policy advocacy campaigns. Their social movement transformation goals, however, have been constrained by the relative organizational isolation and limited organizational capacity of feminist labor NGOs in a broader context of neoliberal precaritization and gender-stratified labor markets. The myriad dilemmas facing domestic worker organizing in an era of global hegemonic market rule highlight the need to develop new political imaginaries to contest gender and economic injustice.