This paper illuminates the mechanisms through which marketing practice and institutions produced, normalized and institutionalized systemic racism in support of imperialism…
Abstract
Purpose
This paper illuminates the mechanisms through which marketing practice and institutions produced, normalized and institutionalized systemic racism in support of imperialism, colonization and slavery to provide impetus for transformational change. Critical race research is drawn on to propose paths toward decolonial and anti-racist research agenda and practice.
Design/methodology/approach
The paper integrates multidisciplinary literature on race, racism, imperialism, colonialism and slavery, connecting these broad themes to the roles marketing practices and institutions played in creating and sustaining racism. Critical race theory, afro pessimism, postcolonial theories, anti-racism and decoloniality provide conceptual foundations for a proposed transformative research agenda.
Findings
Marketing practices and institutions played active and leading roles in producing, mass mobilizing and honing racist ideology and the imagery to support imperialism, colonial expansion and slavery. Racist inequalities in market systems were produced globally through active collusion by marketing actors and institutions in these historical forces creating White advantage and Black dispossession that persist; indicating an urgent need for transformative anti-racists and decolonial research agendas.
Research limitations/implications
Covering these significant historical forces inevitably leaves much room for further inquiry. The paper by necessity “Mango picked” the most relevant research, but a full coverage of these topics was beyond the scope of this paper.
Practical implications
Marketing practitioners found themselves at the epicenter of a crisis during the Black Lives Matter protests. This paper aims to foster anti-racist ad decolonial research to guide practice.
Social implications
This paper addresses systemic and institutional racism, and marketplace inequalities – urgent societal challenges.
Originality/value
To the best of the authors’ knowledge, the paper is the first in marketing to integrate multidisciplinary literature on historical forces of imperialism, colonization and slavery to illuminate marketing’s influential role in producing marketplace racism while advancing an anti-racist and de-colonial research agenda.
Details
Keywords
WHERE are we going? The aim is to double our standard of living in the next 25 years and, as Sir Alexander Fleck, K.B.E., Chairman of Imperial Chemical Industries Ltd., so aptly…
Abstract
WHERE are we going? The aim is to double our standard of living in the next 25 years and, as Sir Alexander Fleck, K.B.E., Chairman of Imperial Chemical Industries Ltd., so aptly staled recently, ‘The man who knows where he is going is the one who is most likely to arrive.’ One might venture to expand this statement by adding that he is still more likely to arrive if the cluttering debris of inefficient methods and movements are cleared away.
Libraries—international DIK LEHMKUHL, ‘Harvesting books for the world’, Library Journal. 15 May 1946 (vol. 71, no. 10), pp. 728–30. [A report on the work of the Inter‐allied Book…
Gregory D. Kane and Uma Velury
This study investigates the relation between managerial ownership and the audit quality of the firm. In modern corporations, the separation of ownership and control creates…
Abstract
This study investigates the relation between managerial ownership and the audit quality of the firm. In modern corporations, the separation of ownership and control creates incentives for managers to maximize their own wealth at the expense of shareholders (Jensen and Meckling 1976). Manager‐owners thus have an incentive to reduce associated agency costs by providing high quality auditing. High audit quality should thus be increasing as managerial ownership decreases. A related agency problem is that of entrenchment‐ whereby managers, by virtue of their increased voting power, have increasing power to shirk and procure perquisites at shareholders' expense. The associated increasing agency risk implies that, when the risk of entrenchment decreases, the need, and thus provision, of high audit quality should also decrease. Based on these arguments, and following prior empirical research, we posit and find that at low and high levels of managerial ownership (below 5% and above 25%), where entrenchment is not increasing, audit quality is decreasing in managerial ownership. At intermediate levels, where entrenchment arguably does increase, it is unclear which effect (divergence‐of‐interests or entrenchment) dominates. For our sample, we document a negative association in this region, a result consistent with the notion that divergence‐of‐interests is the primary agency‐related determinant of audit quality at all levels.
Details
Keywords
In a Report, issued on July 9, 1896, the Select Committee on Food Products Adulteration recommended the establishment of a central government scientific authority, who should act…
Abstract
In a Report, issued on July 9, 1896, the Select Committee on Food Products Adulteration recommended the establishment of a central government scientific authority, who should act as a court of reference upon scientific questions arising under the Adulteration Acts, and who should be empowered, at their discretion, to prescribe standards and limits as to the quality and purity of food. It was rightly held by the Select Committee that the constitution of such an authority is an absolute necessity in order that the all‐important question of food standards may be duly considered and dealt with, and that all matters affecting the administration of the Acts and involving scientific considerations may be placed on a more satisfactory footing. The Committee also expressed the opinion that the formation of such an authority would result in the removal of many practical difficulties met with in the administration of the Acts, and would largely obviate the costly litigation in which public bodies, traders, and others are constantly liable to be involved under existing conditions. Nothing whatever has been done to give effect to the recommendation of the Committee in spite of the fact that the necessity for some such course of action as that indicated has been demonstrated beyond possibility of question, and that further evidence proving the wisdom of the Committee's suggestion is constantly afforded. The Islington brandy case provides the latest illustration of the extremely unsatisfactory conditions under which public bodies are required to administer the Acts and under which traders have to answer charges made against them. A local grocer was summoned by the Islington Borough Council for selling, as brandy, a liquid which was certified by the Public Analyst to contain 60 per cent. of spirit not derived from the grape, and which was therefore not of the nature, substance and quality of the article demanded. The vendor naturally referred the matter to the firm who had supplied him. The case was taken up by a traders' association, and, after five lengthy hearings, in the course of which much expert evidence was given on both sides, resulted in a conviction and the infliction of a penalty of £5 and £50 costs—an amount which probably represents only a fraction of the expense involved. For the present we do not propose to review the scientific evidence which was put forward by the prosecution and by the defence. There is no doubt that Mr. FORDHAM, the magistrate who heard the case, was perfectly right in taking the view that the term “brandy,” when unqualified, means a spirit distilled from wine or from fermented products of the grape. It is also perfectly plain that when a person asks for brandy and is supplied with coloured grain spirit, or with a mixture of grain spirit and true brandy, he is prejudiced, and that the vendor commits an offence under the Acts. The fact that the term “brandy” has been commonly applied to “silent spirit” coloured and flavoured to imitate true brandy, or to mixtures of brandy and alcohol derived from other sources than the produce of the grape, is not a legitimate excuse for the sale of such factitious articles as “brandy.” The great difficulty lies in differentiating by analytical means between the genuine article and the imitation. The vast majority of people, being utterly ignorant even of the elements of chemistry, labour under the impression that all that need be done in a matter of this kind is to tell the Public Analyst to “analyse,” and that full, exact, and absolutely definite information which nobody can call in question, will be forthcoming as a matter of course. The evidence given in the case under consideration is quite enough in itself to show the absurdity of this assumption. On the one hand the Public Analyst stated that he was satisfied, from the results of his general investigations in regard to brandy and from the results of his analysis of the sample submitted to him, that this sample contained 60 per cent. of spirit other than that derived from the produce of the grape. On the other hand, a number of analytical experts called for the defence asserted that in the present state of analytical knowledge it was perfectly impossible for any Public Analyst to arrive at the conclusion mentioned in regard to the sample in question, and that, as a fact, the analytical evidence adduced did not justify the statement made in the certificate on which the proceedings were founded. The defence do not appear to have denied that the Public Analyst might be right. In reality it appears only to have been contended that his analytical evidence was not, sufficient to prove that he was so. At any rate the experts called for the defence certainly did not prove by scientific evidence that he was wrong.
There now appears to be a real prospect that the present chaos will give place to a well‐ordered set of enactments. In the House of Lords there has been introduced by the Lord…
Abstract
There now appears to be a real prospect that the present chaos will give place to a well‐ordered set of enactments. In the House of Lords there has been introduced by the Lord Chancellor a Food and Drugs Bill, which is a purely consolidating measure of 137 clauses and twelve schedules, designed to replace virtually all existing Food and Drugs statutes dealing with England, Wales and Northern Ireland (without amending their substance), and in particular to repeal wholly the Food and Drugs Act, 1954. In the House of Commons the Food and Drugs (Scotland) Bill, which is both an amending and consolidating measure—has for the third time been launched on its Parliamentary career. Meanwhile, much progress as been made with the preparation of the promised Regulations, which, before this note appears in print, will have received some consideration from the Food Hygiene Advisory Council. And, simultaneously, the contemplated revision and enlargement of Codes of Practice appear to be near completion. We know of no reason why all these operations should not be completed before the end of the present year. One of the important matters to be settled is the way in which the Minister of Health will exercise his discretionary powers in relation to the local governing bodies which will be Food and Drugs Authorities.
A.—The following conditions apply to producers only :—
In the present European crisis every intelligent individual of British birth must feel that a tremendous debt of gratitude is due to the British Navy, which, by keeping open the…
Abstract
In the present European crisis every intelligent individual of British birth must feel that a tremendous debt of gratitude is due to the British Navy, which, by keeping open the lines of traffic across the seas, has ensured the supply of daily food to the country. Although this journal does not concern itself with political matters, it does concern itself with the question of the maintenance of an efficient food supply in this country at all times, and the one question is indissolubly bound up with the other. Few people probably have any idea of the enormous extent to which they are dependent for the very food which nourishes them upon the ships that enter London and other ports of the English coast. Every day in the year nearly three‐quarters of a million pounds' worth of provisions are imported into this country, in addition to what we actually produce ourselves, and last year no less than two and a quarter million tons of grain, 360,000 tons of chilled and frozen beef and mutton, 170,000 tons of tea, 250,000 tons of sugar, and many other foods in proportion, were landed in the port of London alone. These figures, in view of the present crisis, completely shatter the absurd position of the “Little Navy” nincompoops.