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In the context of feminist and postmodern thought, traditional conceptions of masculinity and what it means to be a “Real Man” have been critiqued. In Genevieve Lloyd's The Man of Reason, this critique takes the form of exposing the effect that the distinctive masculinity of the “man of reason” has had on the history of philosophy. One major feature of the masculine‐feminine dichotomy will emerge as a key notion for understanding the rest of the paper: the dichotomy of reason‐feeling, a parallel and a foundational aspect to the dichotomy of masculinity and femininity. In exploring the history of symbolic conceptions of masculinity in ancient Greece, the Renaissance, and the present, one finds that the oppression of women is integrally linked to the traditional tie between masculinity and reason. There have been many efforts in recent feminist philosophy to rewrite or redefine “Woman” in such a way as to alleviate the oppression of women. I argue that the effectiveness of rewriting Woman for this purpose is problematic, primarily because any rewriting of this type must occur in the current historical context of hierarchical dualisms, like Man‐Woman, masculine‐feminine, male‐female. These binary oppositions arguably find their roots in Pythagorean philosophy and can be traced through the Renaissance to our current historical context. It is these dualisms that have traditionally valued the masculine side of the Man‐Woman dichotomy more than the feminine. Further, it will be argued that the hierarchical dualism of Man and Woman is so pervasive that if we rewrite or redefine the inferior, deprivileged side of that dualism, we cannot correct its devalued status. Instead, we redefine that which is undervalued but retain its devalued status. This particular aspect of attempts to critique hierarchical dualisms like reason and feeling has been reflected in the writings of many feminists, male and female. This paper will show that in cases where women attempt to redefine the dichotomy by revaluing the traditionally feminine (like feelings and emotions) over the traditionally masculine (like reason) their work is often mistakenly criticized for being purely political; conversely, when men attempt to redefine the same dichotomy in an attempt to allow men to “get back in touch with their feelings,” to be nurturers, their work is described in terms of providing a better epistemology. The current literature on masculinity explores alternatives to rewriting or redefining Woman that try to avoid the problem of status remaining with redefinition. This alternative is rewriting or redefining Man. Through redefining Man, one may be able to reconceptualize the privileged side of the hierarchical dualism in such a way that it is no longer privileged. Deprivileging, as well as redefining Man, is argued by theorists of masculinity to be possible because while the devalued status of the inferior side of a hierarchical dualism tends to keep the same status when redefined, it may be possible to redefine the privileged side of the dualism in such a way that it loses its privileged status. Unfortunately, many of these attempts to rewrite or redefine masculinity have detrimental faults of their own. Finally, this paper will discuss more promising possibilities for new definitions of Man, as well as a vision for better interaction between the work of women and men in general.

Since the late eighteenth century, American men have supported women's equality. (see Kimmel and Mosmiller, 1992). Even before the first Woman's Rights Convention at Seneca Falls, New York heralded the birth of the organized women's movement in 1848, American men had begun to argue in favor of women's rights. That celebrated radical, Thomas Paine, for example, mused in 1775 that any formal declaration of independence from England should include women, since women have, as he put it, “an equal right to virtue.”(Paine, [1775] 1992, 63–66). Other reformers, like Benjamin Rush and John Neal articulated claims for women's entry into schools and public life. Charles Brockden Brown, America's first professional novelist, penned a passionate plea for women's equality in Alcuin(1798).

What follows is an emotionally charged conversation among members of a Duke University student organization called Men Acting for Change (MAC), one of many new men's groups at colleges and universities across the United States and Canada. Besides meeting regularly to talk personally, MAC members present programs about gender and sexuality, focusing on sexual violence and homophobia, to fraternities and other campus groups.

This chapter will explore the links between coercive control and ‘rough sex’. The chapter will highlight how easily sexual behaviour within a coercively controlling relationship can be presented as consensual. The chapter will explain how coercive control is typically about compelling a partner to comply with traditional gender norms and this makes consent within such a relationship particularly difficult to assess. However, it will be argued that there should be a strong legal presumption that if a relationship is marked by coercive control that sexual behaviour within it is non-consensual. The chapter will also explore in what circumstances rough sex should be regarded as lawful.

This chapter introduces a conceptual schema with which the authors chart the historical trajectory of four realms of feminist antiviolence efforts in the United States, describing strains and tensions between and within each realm, with a particular focus on the efficacy of violence prevention.

We draw on feminist theory and empirical studies of antiviolence efforts as well as our own interview and ethnographic research into violence prevention.

This chapter charts a four-part schema for understanding the trajectory of feminist engagements with violence against women. It theorizes that the segmentation of feminist antiviolence has given rise to a variety of tensions within realms that could be resolved or mitigated by reconnecting the realms.

In the face of growing objections to their handling of sexual assault and other forms of gender-based violence, the military, colleges, and other institutions have touted their violence prevention programs. While these programs serve as a testament to over forty years of feminist efforts to institutionalized antiviolence policies and practices, without a holistic feminist approach, violence prevention functions as little more than public relations.

The chapter is of use for scholars thinking about violence against women and gender-based violence, as well as institutions that set policy around issues of violence.

Four male undergraduates at Cornell University post on the internet the “Top 75 reasons why women (bitches) should not have freedom of speech.” Reason #20: “This is my dick. I'm gonna fuck you. No more stupid questions.”

When I was about 10 or 11 years old I played in a school rugby football team for a short time. Rugby is a game where you clasp a pointed ball to your chest and try to run through a wall of opposing players to put the ball on the ground behind them. They attempt to throw you to the ground, seize the ball, and run through a wall of your players in order to put the ball on the ground behind you. When half the game is over, everyone turns around and runs the other way.

Many academic men are sympathetic to issues of gender equity and supportive of feminist goals, but see feminism as basically irrelevant to their interests. Yet they may be engaged in research, teaching, and/or community activities which advance feminist objectives, never examining their efforts in a feminist framework. Too often feminism has been defined as a “woman only” arena, or in competitive terms of male versus female privilege, rather than a cooperative effort to improve the quality of life for everyone. The few men who have attempted to embrace a feminist worldview as their own have been marginalized by women who view them with suspicion and by men who see them as gender traitors (or as a friend says, “The worm in the sperm”). Such a marginalized status promises a career which can be uncomfortable and insecure. We must expand the definition of feminism to include cooperative ventures of men and women working together to bring about positive social change.

This paper aims to re-examine the role of institutions in the rise of made-in-China multinationals. Specifically, the paper seeks to understand how changes in the global environment, especially global financial crisis, have solidified the Chinese government's role in pushing and encouraging Chinese firms to engage in outbound foreign direct investment (OFDI) activities.

This is a conceptual paper. The analysis is based on a large number of publicly available sources, including research papers, government documents, and reports. The paper strives to triangulate the validity of the data with multiple sources.

The study finds that while the role of the state in China has been evolving since the start of the economic reforms in 1978, by no means has it been lessened. Instead, the state has asserted its role specifically to grow Chinese multinationals in size and in number, by leveraging the financial resources accumulated over the last 30 years, by taking advantage of the cheap assets made available globally by the recent financial crisis and by institutionalizing its “Go Global” strategy.

The study implies that the role of the state will be further solidified through China's national goal of enhancing competitiveness via knowledge acquisition through OFDI and simultaneously, multinationals’ OFDI initiatives and strategies will be reinforced by the state's economic policies and goals while their commercial interests will take on an increasing importance in the global marketplace and their behavior will co-evolve with and be reshaped by local, national, and international environments. The paper suggests that future studies employ co-evolutionary theory to investigate the role of state-owned enterprises (especially the functions of their CEOs) as well as non-state actors in shaping the institutional framework in China. Future studies should verify some of the ideas with empirical data and strive to triangulate different data sources to increase data quality.

The study also provides implications to Chinese policy makers on how to balance the government's role as conductor, enabler, protector, and constrainer while allowing Chinese multinationals to integrate into the global market for the benefit of both China and the world economy.

This study represents an original contribution to this topic. The research contributes to the study of globalization of Chinese enterprises by exploring the renewed dynamic relationship between the state and the firm after the 2008 global financial crisis.