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Governments of all major industrialized communities are steadily extending the areas in which they seek to regulate the day‐to‐day activities of ordinary people. This raises important problems in ensuring that people know what is being required of them. I shall in this paper be describing these problems as we see them in the new Health and Safety Executive (HSE). But after spending thirty years in various jobs in the public service I am sure that the problems facing us are similar to those which arise in many other fields.

The Secretary of State in exercise of powers conferred by section 82(3) of the Factories Act 1961 and now vested in him and of all other powers enabling him in that behalf, hereby makes the following Order:—

The Secretary of State in exercise of powers conferred by Regulation 9 of the Diving Operations Special Regulations 1960 and now vested in him and of all other powers enabling him in that behalf, hereby makes the following Order:—

The Secretary of State in exercise of his powers under section 150 of the Factories Act 1961 and of all other powers enabling him in that behalf, hereby makes the following Order:—

John Locke′s political economy lends itself to conservative, liberal and radical interpretations that frame the conceptual ambiguities that still shape our debates over government′s proper economic functions. Suggests that “masculinity” was a powerful undercurrent in Locke′s thought which linked these ambiguities and makes them explicable. In short, Locke′s political economy was a “gendered” one which juxtaposed Enlightenment hopes that “manly” men could balance freedom and equality, labour and prosperity, and political order, to ancient misogynist fears that “effeminate” men caused chaos when freed from political constraints. Ultimately, Locke′s scepticism resulted in a heavy investment in political prerogative which has been parlayed into twentieth century political hegemony.

This article examines relationships between capitalism and democracy as perceived by contending perspectives within the liberal capitalist‐liberal democratic tradition(s). Bentham and the Mills are taken as initiating both this tradition and the core elements of the debate within it. Pre‐Benthamite theories are first reviewed. Then, after discussion of Bentham and James Mill and of John Stuart Mill, Mill's late nineteenth and early twentieth century successors are examined. We then go on to consider hypotheses concerning the “exceptional” quality of relationships between capitalism and democracy in the United States. The penultimate section of the article adumbrates the main contours of mid‐twentieth century pluralist‐elitist theories. We conclude with a summary.

This article is about John Locke who was a British philosopher that profoundly influenced the founders of the United States, the principles upon which the United States was established, and the American system of administration. Many influential leaders in America today acknowledge that the government is Lockeian, which is only the beginning of the continuing importance of Locke for the 21st century. While Locke pre-dated the formal study of organizational theory and behavior many of his ideas directly influence those fields--particularly his ideas on education and economy

What is the relationship between human rights and corruption? This question can take different forms, including moral, legal, socio-political and economic variants. This paper focuses on two key moral questions, asking whether corruption can violate or impact on people’s natural rights (on the one hand) or human rights (on the other). In answer, I aim to establish a strong conceptual link between (a) corruption’s ‘abuse of entrusted power’; (b) the ‘arbitrary power’ targeted by natural rights theorists like John Locke and the broader republican tradition and (c) the ‘arbitrary interference’ with protected freedoms prohibited by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. I argue that the deep thematic links between systemic corruption and violations of human rights are stronger than have hitherto been recognized. In the twenty-first century, corruption should be recognized as a ‘standard threat’ (in Shue’s sense) to human flourishing and protected freedoms, vindicating the human right to freedom from systemic corruption.