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Accra, the capital city of Ghana, is seeing high-rise buildings springing up with extensive glazing. Given the challenges of the country concerning energy provision, guaranteeing comfort in buildings and sustainability aspects, this trend is questionable and worrying in this pandemic era. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to evaluate how glazing types and their properties could reduce cooling loads and provide comfort by following the recommendations set by the Ghana Green Building Council (GHGBC) after the Green Star of South Africa, as well as other references found in literature.

Indoor thermal conditions were monitored to evaluate prevailing indoor conditions. Using a simulation application, various options were probed based on the Green recommendations and others found in literature to improve thermal comfort within the structure. Moreover, a questionnaire survey with observation was undertaken with 250 architects to understand the basis of decisions taken when specifying glazing for buildings.

The results indicate that cooling loads increased by 2% when the GHGBC after the Green Star of South Africa recommendations were applied. However, the use of the recommendations of previous research conducted in Ghana could reduce cooling loads by 38% to save energy. Suggested strategies of air velocity up to 1.0 m/s as well as thermal mass, comfort ventilation, conventional dehumidification and air-conditioning were found to be means to improve indoor comfort. Furthermore, the architects revealed that around 40% of multi-storey buildings are 70%–100% glazed. Of all the buildings, 62.4% was found to be glazed with single pane windows, making them use so much energy in cooling. Additionally, the survey underlined the client’s preference, cost and functionality as the three main bases for the choice of glazing in multi-storey office buildings.

A significant contribution of this study to the body of knowledge is the provision of empirical evidence to support the fact that due to climate difference, each country needs to undertake more experimental research works to be able to come out with standards that work. Thus, the GHGBC after the Green Star of South Africa does not necessarily work within the climatic context of Ghana.

The purpose of this research is to show that initiatives to adequately address poverty reduction through the provision of housing units in rural communities in Ghana have come from both local and offshore resources. However, very little has been done to assess the impacts of these initiatives so that best practices can inform public policy to enhance the quality and quantity of rural housing in Ghana. This paper explores the impact of one such initiative, namely the Habitat for Humanity International Ghana's (HHIG) intervention in the rural housing subsector.

To understand and appreciate HHIG's intervention, field data collection and community interfaces were organised. Extensive use was made of the case study approach or narratology. Under this approach, six of the 29 local HHIG affiliates were studied using an exploratory approach for in depth probing.

This study shows that the provision of housing units through HHIG's initiative has had a positive impact on poverty reduction through an enhanced housing environment, formation of micro enterprises, enhanced access to social services, skills transfer and improved security.

As an object of consumption, the introduction of housing into rural economies in Ghana can have tremendous significant and positive impacts; implying that it can be used as an entry point in efforts aimed at reducing rural poverty in Sub Saharan Africa.

The study is the first of its kind to reveal HHIG's immense contribution towards the creation of more liveable housing environments in rural Ghana and its link with poverty reduction.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how lecturers in public relations (PR) in Ghana are preparing students to be effective practitioners. The study also aims to extend understanding of PR education to an emerging democracy in response to calls for examining how future practitioners are shaped in different contexts.

The paper adopted a qualitative open-ended key informant in-depth interview approach with 12 purposively sampled PR lectures in accredited higher education institutions in Ghana.

PR education in Ghana is shaped by the local socio-political and economic context and influenced by western approaches. The opportunity to teach PR at the diploma level (prior to a bachelor’s level) provides another layer of PR training. Extensive use of social media in Ghana suggests that more focus should be placed on teaching about the strategic use of these technologies in industry. In the face of real challenges, under-resourced lecturers find ways to appropriate and provide students with skills needed for industry.

The use of a qualitative data gathering method suggests that this study should be considered an introduction into PR education in Ghana, which requires further investigation with generalizable samples.

This study profiles PR education in Ghana. It also responds to calls to examine the preparation of future practitioners in different context beyond the western world.

This paper aims to investigate the impact of selected macro-economic variables like real effective exchange rate (REER), GDP, inflation (INF), the volume of trade (TR) and money supply (M2) on-budget deficit (BD) in Bangladesh over the period of 1980–2018.

By using secondary data, the paper uses the Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) and Granger Causality test. Johansen’s cointegration test is used to examine the long-run relationship among the variables under study.

Johansen’s cointegration test result shows that there exists a positive long-run relationship of selected macroeconomic variables (real effective exchange rate, inflation, the volume of trade and money supply) with the budget deficit, whereas GDP has a negative one. The short-run results from the VECM show that GDP, inflation and money supply have a negative relationship with the budget deficit. The Granger Causality test results reveal unidirectional causal relationships running from BD to REER; TR to BD; M2 to BD; GDP to REER; M2 to REER; INF to GDP; GDP to TR; M2 to GDP and bidirectional causal relationship between GDP and BD; TR and REER; M2 and TR.

Bangladesh has been experiencing a budget deficit since 1972 due to a decline in sources of revenue. This study contributes to the empirical debate on the causal nexus between macroeconomic variables and budget deficits by employing VECM and Granger Causality approaches.

This chapter examines US Africa Policy under Obama with a particular focus on the Southern African region. The author examines American policy from a historical perspective to give credence to his view that while certain changes have occurred in American global and Africa Policy in particular, it is the issues that have changed, and the drivers of that policy change but the fundamental basis of the American policy has not changed much. American policy has remained anchored on global hegemony driven by the increasingly frayed Washington consensus as expressed initially in its Cold War rhetoric and stance against the former USSR and its perceived allies and now against terrorism.

This work examines the existing literature on Southern African history and politics written by scholars and observers including regional heads of state like Nyerere of Tanzania and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia. This study also draws from the author’s knowledge and experiences as a citizen and observer over the years of the many facets of vicissitudes of regional politics and is interface with international foreign policy pressures and interests. This work thus, draws from the literature on and about regional politics and international relations over the years coupled by the author’s personal experiences.

This chapter makes clear link between Cold War politics and current American foreign policy on African and the Southern African region in particular. In fact the US anti-terrorism rhetoric has remained consistent during and after the Cold War. During the Cold War, liberation movements in Southern Africa fighting to end colonial rule and racist apartheid regime were declared terrorist movements and hence the subject of US hostility especially given these movements’ support for arms and materials from the USSR and China. USSR was manufactured as the organizer of international terrorism. Proxy wars were waged to deal with these movements and their supporters such as the war in Angola where the United States supported dubious and questionable characters like Jonas Savimbi of the National Union for the Total Liberation of Angola (UNITA) and Holden Robert of the Front for the National Liberation of Angola (FNLA) and Zairian dictator, Mobutu SeseSeko. While FNLA was widely accepted as a CIA outfit, Mobutu was imposed by US intelligence support (CIA) against a popular leader, Patrice Lumumba, who was assassinated shortly after independence.

At the end of the Cold War a new form of terrorism manifested itself in the form of Muslim Jihadists who on the continent were seen to emerge in East Africa and the Horn of Africa and the American fascination has been to ensure that this terrorism does not afflict the rest of the continent and the Southern African region in particular. Support to African governments has shifted from the initial years of confused neglect complimented with ambivalent engagement and finally, to humanitarianism. This has taken the form of the support to Africa to fight HIV and AIDS so as to harvest a favourable ground among African governments. This was seen as helping to ensconce American support in the region and weaken the ground for the Al Qaeda intrusion, real or imagined. It was also hoped that this might help counter growing Chinese influence. It is not entirely surprising too that the economic and strategic focus has been to sustain a declining hegemonic position especially in a region where Chinese investments and influence have outstripped American and Western influence.

Roots of global Terrorism are in ‘failed’ states carved out of multiracial empires after World Wars I and II in name of ‘national self‐determination’. Both sides in the Cold War competed to exploit the process of disintegration with armed and covert interventions. In effect, they were colluding at the expense of the ‘liberated’ peoples. The ‘Vietnam Trauma’ prevented effective action against the resulting terrorist buildup and blowback until 9/11. As those vultures come home to roost, the war broadens to en vision overdue but coercive reforms to the postwar system of nation states, first in the Middle East. Mirages of Vietnam blur the vision; can the sole Superpower finish the job before fiscal and/or imperial overstretch implode it?