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Drawing upon the police accountability model, the purpose of this paper is to advance the research on public attitudes toward the police (PATP) by examining the effects of reported disorder incidents at the micro level on the two dimensions of PATP.

This study uses two waves of random sample telephone survey of 2,393 residents in Houston, Texas. The disorder data were provided by the Houston Police Department. Disorder incidents surrounding each respondent’s residence were extracted by using geographic information systems technology. Structural equation modeling was used for the analysis.

The main findings suggest that while the observational measure of disorder exerts no direct impact on residents’ general attitudes toward the police; it has a significant impact on specific attitudes toward the police measured by using the neighborhoods as the principle geographical context. In addition, documented disorder incidents are found to be a robust predictor of perceptions of disorder in both models.

The measurement of PATP was ambiguous in the research literature and scholarly attention to the observational factors such as reported disorder incidents has been lacking. This study fills the gap of the relevant literature by measuring PATP as a two-dimensional concept and incorporating reported disorder incidents into the analysis.

The purpose of this paper is to expand the research on citizen participation in police work by attempting to disentangle the difference between volunteers and general citizens.

Independent variables including the demographic characteristics, victimization experiences, fear of crime, neighborhood disorders, and satisfaction with the police services were used to explain the volunteers’ attitudes toward the police. A random sample of general citizens was used as a comparison group. Using two data sets derived from a survey of 324 citizen volunteers in community policing programs and a random telephone survey of 1,197 general citizens in Houston, TX, two structural equation modeling models for general citizen sample and citizen volunteer sample were tested.

The results revealed that satisfaction with the police services was the only factor having a direct impact on attitudes toward the police in volunteer group. In addition, volunteers’ attitudes toward the police and satisfaction with the police services were higher than general citizens even though their victimization experiences, fear of crime, perceived neighborhood disorders were higher than general citizens.

The authors argue that there is a strong diffused support, first raised by David Easton (1965), among the volunteers. This exploratory study would be a reference for future studies.

For the past 35 years, Wilson’s theory of local political culture has influenced many students of policing and has greatly contributed to the erudition of American police practices. Wilson, based on empirical study, found that variation in the structural arrangements of police organizations could be explained by examining the local political culture of the municipalities in which they are located. Police departments in cities with a professional form of government, for example, focused more on law enforcement activities and had a more bureaucratic structure than agencies residing in cities with a traditional form of government which focused more on order maintenance activities and, correspondingly, had a less bureaucratic structure. The purpose of this paper is to test the utility of Wilson’s theory in today’s police organizations. Data collected from a sample of large, municipal police departments were included in the analysis. The findings suggest that the relationship between local political culture and police organizational structure that Wilson identified many years ago has indeed attenuated. The sample of large municipal police agencies, finds no relationship between local political culture, as measured by Wilson, and four dimensions of organizational structure: formalization, vertical differentiation, functional differentiation, and centralization.

The purpose of this study is to identify the principal determinants associated with becoming a volunteer in crime prevention programs.

Data were collected from citizen surveys in a medium sized city located in the West region of USA. The data contained 574 city residents and 264 volunteers. Binomial logistic regression analytical technique was employed to examine the relative contribution of three categories of explanatory variables – demographic background, neighborhood contextual factors, and political viewpoints – on becoming a police volunteer in community crime prevention.

The primary finding suggests that gender was a significant predictor of participation in police volunteer work. With respect to cognitive factors, the character of citizen perceptions of crime problems in their neighborhoods mattered considerably. Similarly, citizens' political orientation was another important variable among cognitive factors.

Study findings are based on surveys of citizen perceptions of police programs from a single mid‐sized city. Results cannot be generalized to all US cities.

This study provides police administrators and academic scholars with research‐based information on several unanswered questions associated with participation in police volunteer work.

The purpose of this paper is to explore whether male and female police officers report different levels of occupational stress and burnout. Also, the research seeks to examine whether various factors that are purported to influence occupational stress and burnout have differential effects on male and female officers.

Using a sample of police officers working in a large metropolitan department in the Northeast, the paper begins by using t‐tests to make gender comparisons between the average levels of occupational stress and burnout between male and female officers. Next, separate multivariate analyses were run for male and female officers to determine how a set of independent variables measuring the work‐environment, coping mechanisms, and other demographic characteristics affected the measures of occupational stress and burnout.

The findings indicate that male and female officers did not report significantly different levels of occupational stress and burnout. Results of the separate multivariate analyses reveal that, although there are similar predictors of stress and burnout for male and female officers, differences did exist in the models, lending support to the assertion that the female officers may experience unique stressors in the police organization. The multivariate results also indicate that African‐American female officers report significantly higher levels of burnout than other officers.

The current research adds to the knowledge about how levels and predictors of work‐related stress and burnout compare between male and female police officers. The current study is limited by its focus on only one police department located in the Northeast. This may limit the generalizability of the results.

The results of the study have implications for programs and policies that seek to prevent stress and burnout among police officers. The results of the current study indicate that a one‐program‐fits‐all approach may not be the best way for departments to help officers to deal with stress and burnout, since male and female officers may not experience or deal with these issues in a similar fashion.

According to community policing advocates, police agencies should implement a variety of important organizational changes. These changes are supposed to occur in a number of different substantive domains, including the culture, behavior, and structure of police organizations. This paper examines the evidence for change in just one of these domains: formal organizational structure. Based on concepts derived from organization theory, and using data from six different data sets, the paper explores whether the structures of US police organizations changed during the 1990s. Overall, it finds mixed evidence. Some changes have occurred in the direction encouraged by community policing reformers, some changes have occurred in the opposite direction, and some changes have not occurred at all.

The aim of this study is to examine the motive of China's and India's engagement in African countries particularly in Ethiopia and to address the land grabbing and debt-trap diplomacy between Ethiopia and the Asian drivers, which creates challenges across the diverse social, political, economic and ecological contexts.

This study utilises both primary and secondary data. The available literature is also reviewed. The primary data were gathered through semi-structured interviews and discussions from (1) several authority offices in Ethiopia, sources close to authorities, information-rich informants, employees and (2) perspectives, perceptions and prospects from individual members of society.

The study unmasks the win-win cooperation strategy from the perspective of the members of society in Ethiopia, evaluates whether China and India have strings attached or land grabbing motives. The study also shows that whether China's and India's move was deliberate, the implications of debt-trap diplomacy and exploitation in Ethiopia are apparent. Additionally, this study investigated several considerable potential threats to Ethiopia that will persist unless significant measures are taken to control the relations with Asian drivers.

Some of the limitations of this paper pertain to the primary data collection process from the Ethiopian Investment Commission (EIC) and other authorities, which was very challenging because people can be punished for talking to journalists or researchers. Furthermore, some investors were not willing to participate in discussions because they were engaged in areas that are not related to their licenses. Many interviewees were also not willing to disclose their names, and the data are not exhaustive in the number of investment projects covered.

This study provides new evidence on the influence of Chinese and Indian investment, aid and trade on Ethiopia's social, political and economic spheres. Additionally, this study contributes to the ongoing debate on land grabbing and debt-trap diplomacy in Ethiopia.