Isabel Valarino, Gerardo Meil and Jesús Rogero-García
Spain is typically considered a familialistic country where the family is the main responsible for individuals’ well-being. Recent demographic, socioeconomic and policy changes…
Abstract
Purpose
Spain is typically considered a familialistic country where the family is the main responsible for individuals’ well-being. Recent demographic, socioeconomic and policy changes raise the question to what extent familialism is regarded as the preferred care arrangement in society or whether more state support is considered legitimate. The purpose of this paper is to analyse individual preferences among Spanish residents regarding care responsibility for pre-school children and the frail elderly, and the factors that influence such preferences.
Design/methodology/approach
Representative data from the 2012 International Social Survey Programme are used (n=1419). Six patterns of care responsibility that capture preferences regarding who, between the family or the state, should provide and pay for the care of pre-school children and the frail elderly are identified. Logistic regressions are performed on each care responsibility pattern to analyse the factors influencing individuals’ preferences.
Findings
Multiple preferences coexist and state responsibility is often preferred over family responsibility, especially for elderly-care. It suggests that the tendency to rely on the family in Spain is due to insufficient support rather than to familialistic values. Individuals who usually bear most care work responsibilities, such as women and individuals in caring ages, or those with a poor health, high care load or low income consider there should be extra-family support. Individuals’ values also matter: the least religious, the most supportive of maternal employment and left-wing voters are most likely to reject traditional care arrangements.
Originality/value
This is the first study to analyse both elderly- and childcare policy preferences in one single study. It shows that childcare is more often seen as a family responsibility than elderly care.
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Teresa Jurado-Guerrero, Jordi M. Monferrer, Carmen Botía-Morillas and Francisco Abril
Most studies on work–life support at workplaces consider work–life balance to be a women’s issue, either explicitly or implicitly. This chapter analyses how fathers who are…
Abstract
Most studies on work–life support at workplaces consider work–life balance to be a women’s issue, either explicitly or implicitly. This chapter analyses how fathers who are involved caregivers are supported or hindered in attaining work–life balance by their workplaces. It explores the following three questions: (1) why fathers value some job adaptations over others compared with mothers; (2) how organizational cultures influence the work–life balance of new fathers and (3) what differences exist across public and private sectors as well as large versus small companies. A qualitative approach with three discussion groups and 22 involved fathers enables us to explore these issues for large companies, public sector workplaces and small businesses. We find that tight time schedules, flextime, telework, schedule control and fully paid nontransferable leaves of absence constitute policies that favor involved fatherhood, while measures without wage replacement generate fear of penalization in the workplace and do not fit the persistent relevance of the provider role. In addition, un-similar supervisors, envy, lack of understanding and gender stereotypes among co-workers and clients constitute cultural barriers at the workplace level. Contrary to our expectations, small businesses may offer a better work–life balance than large companies, while the public sector is not always as family-friendly as assumed.
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José Andrés Fernández-Cornejo, Cristina Castellanos-Serrano, Eva Del Pozo-García, Maite Palomo-Vadillo, Juan Ignacio Cáceres-Ruiz and Lorenzo Escot
In January 2021, Spanish paid parental leave for fathers was fully equated with that for mothers. Is this facilitating working fathers developing an identity of caring fathers?
Abstract
Purpose
In January 2021, Spanish paid parental leave for fathers was fully equated with that for mothers. Is this facilitating working fathers developing an identity of caring fathers?
Design/methodology/approach
We conducted qualitative research based on 31 interviews with heterosexual fathers residing in Spain, who had a child from January 1, 2021 onwards, who cohabited with the baby’s mother, and who were salaried. We also added two mothers with the same characteristics and seven human resources managers from large companies.
Findings
There has been a rapid acceptance and normalization of the use of these new equalized leaves. For many fathers this has been accompanied by the experience of a greater sense of “being legitimized” to engage in caregiving. The intensity of this process could be subject to two opposing forces. One in favor, especially when fathers care alone for as long as possible; and one against, when fathers assume the role of the mother’s helper and when the support of significant and relevant others is lacking in several domains, including the work place.
Social implications
Whether this ambivalence is resolved in favor of advancement could depend on how successful public policy is. Reforms of parental leave systems should encourage men to take on single-handed care, and companies should be encouraged to become more aware of the need for co-responsibility between fathers and mothers in childcare.
Originality/value
Spain now has one of the most gender-equal parental leave systems in the world. It is important to know what meaning new fathers are giving to this advance and to what extent this is facilitating the emergence of a caregiving masculinity.