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The purpose of this paper is to work with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people (ATSI), it is expected that non-ATSI health-care professionals become culturally aware; however, participants’ perceptions of the relative merit of cultural awareness training (CAT) formats is uncertain.

The authors compared undergraduate students’ perceptions of an asynchronous online format with onsite delivery formats of CAT using a mixed-method design. Students from five successive cohorts (n = 64) in an undergraduate programme were invited to complete a post-training survey which gathered quantitative and qualitative data.

Whilst feedback was positive regarding both formats, the onsite format was preferred qualitatively with several valuable learning outcome themes emerging from the results. These themes included; “perceived benefits of self-evaluation of students’ own culture whilst learning about Aboriginal culture”; “encouraging to be provided with scenarios, examples and exercises to enhance cultural awareness” and “engagement with the interactive facilitator approach”. There were differing views about the benefits of learning the history of oppression which warrant further research.

Results may be applicable to undergraduate allied health students who participate in clinical immersion placements (CIPs) who participate in Aboriginal CAT.

Given the changing dynamic in education forced by the COVID-19 pandemic, more resources may need to be directed to improving online training and possibly combining formats in course delivery.

The strength of the study is that the authors achieved a response rate of 100%, thus the results are highly significant for the sample. This sample represents 41.3% of chiropractic students who attended CAT and CIPs at this university over the course of 9 years, thus the results could be generalized to chiropractic students who participated in these types of placements.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first study to compare student perceptions of different formats of Aboriginal CAT for final year chiropractic undergraduate students in Australia.

While the literature has focused on the benefits granted by Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals to undocumented youths in the USA, the purpose of this paper is to focus on the challenges encountered during the application process.

This paper is based on 60 semi-structured interviews with Latino undocumented youths living in the New York City and northern New Jersey metropolitan area.

The policy was intended to improve the inclusion of some undocumented youths in the USA by temporarily shielding them from deportation and providing them with a social security number. Analyses indicate great variation in youths’ experiences while applying for DACA, including program knowledge, financial impact, and application assistance – some of which was alleviated by respondents’ political engagement. This paper shows that participants suffered from anxiety due to the manner of implementation of the program.

This research is based on the self-disclosure of participants as undocumented youths. Fieldwork also took place in the New York/New Jersey metropolitan area, which is traditionally considered as more “immigrant-friendly” context than other areas of the USA.

This paper provides much needed information on the ways in which undocumented youths navigate the federal immigration system and the anxiety associated with it. This paper demonstrates the possibility that a federal policy whose goal is inclusionary could be implemented at the local level in such a way as to promote anxiety and alienation. It also highlights the role of political engagement in shaping immigrant youth’s experiences in the USA.

From one angle, abortion law appears to confirm the regime politics account of the Supreme Court; after all, the Reagan/Bush coalition succeeded in significantly curtailing the constitutional protection of abortion rights. From another angle, however, it is puzzling that the Reagan/Bush Court repeatedly refused to overturn Roe v. Wade. We argue that time and again electoral considerations led Republican elites to back away from a forceful assertion of their agenda for constitutional change. As a result, the justices generally acted within the range of possibilities acceptable to the governing regime but still typically had multiple doctrinal options from which to choose.

Our study aims to evaluate the impact of infrastructure and public investment on private investment in machinery and equipment in Brazil from 1947 to 2017. The contribution of our article to the existing literature lies in providing a more comprehensive understanding of the presence or absence of the crowding effect in the Brazilian economy by leveraging an extensive historical database. Our central argument posits that the recent decline in private capital accumulation over the last few decades can be attributed to shifts in economic policies – moving from a developmentalist orientation to nondevelopmental guidance since the early 1990s, which is reflected in the diminished levels of public investment and infrastructure since the 1980s.

We conducted a series of econometric regressions utilizing the autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) model as our chosen econometric methodology.

Employing two different variables to measure public investment and infrastructure, our results – robust across various specifications – have substantiated the existence of a crowding-in effect in Brazil over the examined period. Thus, we have empirical evidence indicating that the state has influenced private capital accumulation in the Brazilian economy over the past decades.

Our article contributes to the existing literature by offering a more comprehensive understanding of the crowding effect in the Brazilian economy, utilizing an extensive historical database.

Recent figures show that half the world’s refugees are children, with young people now representing more than 50 percent of victims of global armed conflict and displaced persons. Increasing numbers of refugee youth are entering their host nations’ compulsory and postcompulsory educational systems having experienced frequent resettlements and disrupted education, which in turn, pose major barriers for educational and future employment. The consequences of these experiences raise pressing equity implications for educators and educational systems. However, the picture is not uniformly bleak. Employing Bourdieu’s thinking tools of habitus, field and capital, Yosso’s concepts of community cultural wealth and photovoice methods, this chapter draws on studies of refugee youth of both genders from diverse ethnic and faith backgrounds, conducted in regional Australia. It examines how everyday spaces for learning, for example, church, faith-based and sporting groups and family can play a crucial role in enabling young people to build powerful forms of social and cultural capital necessary to successfully access and negotiate formal education and training settings. Its findings suggest first that everyday spaces can act as rich sites of informal learning, which young refugee people draw upon to advance their life chances, employability, and social inclusion. Second, they suggest that how one’s gender and “race” intersect may have important implications for how refugee youth access social and cultural capital in these everyday spaces as they navigate between informal learning and formal educational settings.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the strategies for improving the competitiveness of Ecuador (ECU), Colombia (COL) and Peru (PER). It is one of the first studies using 36 indicators within the context of three South-American countries. It fulfills the lack of knowledge at the scientific work and its practical objective by identifying the factors that public policy may take into consideration urgently to improve the global competitiveness level of the countries for a sustainable development and considerations for a long-term integration.

It analyzes data of four-year average of international sources such as: The International Monetary Fund, The World Bank, The United Nations, among others. The factors were selected after a careful literature review, the final selection and the weight of each determinant was calculated using partial least squares-structural equation modeling. The calculation of the national and international competitiveness indexes used the double diamond for competitiveness theoretical frame.

From a national perspective, it was found that COL is the most competitive country followed by PER in the second place and ECU is in third. Internationally, the authors have found also that COL is the most competitive economy, PER in second place and ECU is in third.

This study has found that in order to improve the level of national competitiveness, ECU has to concentrate on improving and strengthening formal and non-formal institutions, which are reflected in: four factors, PER four, and COL three. To reach international competitiveness, ECU should improve four factors, PER five, and COL five formal and non-formal institutions.

This research is the first one on its field, it uses 36 competitiveness indexes and the PLS-SEM statistic methodology to assign the weight of competitive indicators and the DD theoretical frame to determine the relevance of its factors and it is oriented to advise decision-makers and provides the appropriate police guidelines for the national competitiveness strategy and improve their quality of life of its residents from: ECU-COL-PER. On the other hand, the academic implications of these results appear when calculating the weight-load competitiveness indexes using inferential multivariate analysis; it provides researchers and practitioners an analysis tool for comparing competitive factors of emerging countries from the DD approach without any weaknesses, as a framework to assist in formulating economic policy at the national and regional level.

Due to the difficulty of competitiveness operationalization, this research uses PLS-SEM to correlate its factors as the statistical methodology and the DD as the tool for the identification of theoretical indicators. This work may be taken into consideration for an immediate and sustainable improvement in order to win competitiveness than its neighbors.

This study is unique because the factors were selected after a careful literature review; the final selection and the weight of each determinant was calculated using PLS-SEM. The calculation of the national and international competitiveness indexes used the DD for competitiveness theoretical framework applied for the first time in a research for South America with 36 determinants. The result of this analysis compares the weak and strong determinants of these three member countries of UNASUR for the development of their complementarities and therefore the recommendations of public policy.

Iran neither produces the technology nor possesses the financial or the political capabilities that drive globalization. Yet in an interdependent world, with a political posture that is defiant of the hegemonic powers that are to a large extent in the driver seat of the bus of globalization, it has managed to survive. The political resiliency of the Islamic Republic since its inception in 1979 in face of formidable external threats, internal obstacles, and the challenges of a rapidly changing world in which it remains on the periphery, is a vexing question indeed. The regime has used the rhetoric and ideology of populism to remain defiant and shore up its “problematic” legitimacy.

Can we do business with strangers? A major handicap to any promotion is ignorance of the market and its members. In order to understand Latin Americans, says Albert Hirschman, we must first understand how Latin Americans understand each other. We see the “facts” one way, but their perception of these same facts is often very different. This is my purpose in reporting on Peru's attitude and internal discussions on international trade. Why Peru? A U S. State Department official told me that they consider Peru as a sort of bell wether in South America. Abraham Lowenthal of the Inter‐American Dialog says Peru has an international significance greater than would be expected, considering the size of its economy, and E. V. K. Fitzgerald of Cambridge says the Peruvian experience is significant in judgimg prospects in South America.

While many see the 1960s as the era of a “rights revolution” in American law, this article looks back from the present moment of conservative legal dominance to better understand the ways in which conservative ideas began to grow during the heyday of legal liberalism. Using recent histories of post-1945 grassroots conservatism, the author argues that conservative rights claims – while often legally questionable – constituted for many a powerful and persuasive understanding of the Constitution. Due to this popular conservative jurisprudence's endurance and influence, its existence in the 1960s forces reconsideration of understandings of the 1960s as the era of the “rights revolution.”