Elke Mattheiss, Georg Regal, Johann Schrammel, Markus Garschall and Manfred Tscheligi
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the issue of tailored text input methods for visually impaired and blind users that are needed on touchscreen devices to support their…
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the issue of tailored text input methods for visually impaired and blind users that are needed on touchscreen devices to support their accessibility. Previous approaches still have issues related to the necessity of searching for characters, slow entry speeds or cumbersome handling.
Design/methodology/approach
The authors developed a new Braille-based text input method named EdgeBraille, which allows entering six-point Braille characters by swiping one finger along the edges of the touchscreen in an arbitrary sequence. The approach was compared with the current standard method of a talking keyboard, first in a short-term lab study (14 participants) and then during two weeks of daily training (seven participants).
Findings
Overall EdgeBraille was perceived well by the users and possesses favourable handling characteristics. In terms of user performance (words per minute and error rate) the authors found no significant differences between the two methods. However, based on the evaluation results and the feedback of the participants the authors identified possibilities for improvement in terms of a smaller EdgeBraille version allowing the entry of eight-point Braille characters, and conducted a proof-of-concept study (seven participants).
Originality/value
In the paper the authors comprehensively reflect on advantages and disadvantages of Braille-based methods in general and EdgeBraille in particular. The authors argue why and how Braille-based methods should serve as complement to current text input paradigms based on talking keyboard and indicate future directions of research.
Details
Keywords
The Arab Spring poses challenges to governments of the countries involved; the author aims to present a way to respond to them. To this end, the notion of “basic equality” is…
Abstract
Purpose
The Arab Spring poses challenges to governments of the countries involved; the author aims to present a way to respond to them. To this end, the notion of “basic equality” is proffered as a decisive element to be realized in a democratic form of government, democracy itself being necessary if one seeks to evade a return to the former forms of government.
Design/methodology/approach
No single answer suffices to realize stable while generally acceptable forms of government; basic equality is shown to be a necessary starting point in each case, to be supplemented by specific policies. The practical implications of the article's analysis are evidenced in the limitations governments must recognize and warrant: through legislation, basic equality is to be realized.
Findings
People's (formal) equality must be acknowledged. It may be difficult to reconcile this demand with, for example, religious convictions, but it is not necessary to compromise what one believes. One need only act in accordance with the dictates of formal equality, which is the corollary of basic equality. For example, an employer only has to treat his employees equally, and may, accordingly, not distinguish between race, gender or religion, but he is not required to believe that people are, in some fundamental sense, equal.
Originality/value
Equal treatment has often been proposed as a “moral” directive. The author presents a realistic alternative to this approach while realizing a state of affairs in which people are treated equally. Since this alternative is based on their self‐interest, this will lead to both a convincing theory and a viable practice.
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Officially, of course, the world is now post-imperial. The Q’ing and Ottoman empires fell on the eve of World War I, and the last Leviathans of Europe's imperial past, the…
Abstract
Officially, of course, the world is now post-imperial. The Q’ing and Ottoman empires fell on the eve of World War I, and the last Leviathans of Europe's imperial past, the Austro-Hungarian and Tsarist empires, lumbered into the grave soon after. Tocsins of liberation were sounded on all sides, in the name of democracy (Wilson) and socialism (Lenin). Later attempts to remake and proclaim empires – above all, Hitler's annunciation of a “Third Reich” – now seem surreal, aberrant, and dystopian. The Soviet Union, the heir to the Tsarist empire, found it prudent to call itself a “federation of socialist republics.” Mao's China followed suit. Now, only a truly perverse, contrarian regime would fail to deploy the rhetoric of democracy.