Alfonso Rosales, Adriana Yepes-Mayorga, Alejandro Arias, Fabiano Franz, Joanne Thomas, Jamo Huddle, Ramón Jeremías Soto, Maya Haynes, Monica Prado and Dennis Cherian
Zika virus (ZIKV) statistics in Honduras are the highest among countries in Central America. National risk communication strategies have primarily focused on vector control and…
Abstract
Purpose
Zika virus (ZIKV) statistics in Honduras are the highest among countries in Central America. National risk communication strategies have primarily focused on vector control and are integrated into existing approaches for Dengue and Chikungunya. Given the new evidence on ZIKV, there is a need to revamp risk communication strategies so that they are informed by dynamic listening methods such as knowledge, attitudes, and practices. The paper aims to discuss this issue.
Design/methodology/approach
A cross-sectional survey was administered to 604 respondents in 21 designated Honduran communities using a two-stage, 30-cluster sampling method.
Findings
Almost eight out of ten Hondurans knew that Zika can be transmitted by the bite of a mosquito; however, only 2 and 0.1 percent, respectively, were aware that Zika can be spread by sexual intercourse and from a pregnant woman to her fetus. In total, four out of ten Hondurans knew that there is a causal relationship between Zika and microcephaly in newborns, and three out of ten knew that there is an association between Zika and Guillian-Barré syndrome. Overall, 50 percent of respondents said that they did not have enough information about the disease.
Social implications
The findings of this study clearly identify information priority gaps that need to be urgently addressed by national stakeholders involved in public health activities to protect the most vulnerable population against Zika disease and its complications.
Originality/value
This study is the first of its kind in Central America to inform any national risk communication strategy since the inception of the ZIKV response, particularly among at risk populations.
Details
Keywords
Brian D. Fitch, Anthony H. Normore and David R. Werner
During its 230 year prison history, the United States has advocated various – and sometimes conflicting – purposes for incarceration. Each justification has rested on the tenets…
Abstract
During its 230 year prison history, the United States has advocated various – and sometimes conflicting – purposes for incarceration. Each justification has rested on the tenets of some prevailing theory of human behavior (Akers & Sellers, 2008; Jones, 2008), which attempts to answer two recurring themes: why do some people commit crimes while others do not, and how should the criminal justice system, including the correctional system, respond to such behavior (Siegel, 2003; Winfree & Abadisky, 2010; Vito, Maahs, & Holmes, 2011). This chapter offers an overview of the general tenets of what is considered morally imperative when determining “right” from “wrong”; the four key criminological perspectives of crime, as well as the ontological assumptions, either explicit or implicit, within each hypothesis. Next, the authors discuss how these assumptions dictate society's response to crime and, more specifically, the type of punishment, rehabilitative efforts, or educational opportunities offered to those who violate society's laws (Bohn & Vogel, 2011). The chapter concludes with a discussion of the types of educational programs and therapies that have demonstrated the most promise at reducing crime and recidivism, as well as suggestions for improving current correctional practices.