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Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this essay is twofold: (i) identification of the shared premises of the structuration and morphogenesis theories which have remained indifferent to or openly at odds with each other, while highlighting at the same time the specific elements of these two models which are better elaborated in one than the other; and (ii) demonstration of the benefits of social theory testing on the eventful historical analysis.

Design/methodology/approach

I first comparatively examine the main premises and guiding concepts of the two models in question, point out their basic affinities, and note different emphases. Next, different components and phases of the (re)constitution over time of societal structure(s) and human agency posited by the structuration/morphogenesis model are illustrated and “tested” through the historical account of the initiation and spread of migration of Polish peasants to America at the turn of the twentieth century and the subsequent impact of this movement on the sender and receiver societies.

Findings/originality/value

First, the demonstration of a close theoretical affinity of the structuration and morphogenesis models which provides the grounds for an intellectual exchange between their proponents. Second, derived from the historical analysis of Poles’ migration process, the identification of specific concepts informing the structuration/morphogenesis model which need further refinement. The third, most general finding-qua-contribution is a demonstration of the benefit for social theorizing from the historical, that is, time- and place-sensitive conceptualization and analysis of the examined phenomena.

Details

Social Theories of History and Histories of Social Theory
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78350-219-6

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Article
Publication date: 1 October 2004

Ewa Morawska

The structuration model linking macro‐ and micro‐level societal structures and individual actions in a reciprocal causality is applied to the analysis of the relationship between…

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Abstract

The structuration model linking macro‐ and micro‐level societal structures and individual actions in a reciprocal causality is applied to the analysis of the relationship between immigrants' transnational entrepreneurship and their assimilation to the host society. Depending on immigrants' economic and sociocultural resources and their location in the economic and political structures of the host city/country where they reside and the home‐country/region they originate from, their transnational business engagements may combine with assimilation and ethnic entrepreneurship may not lead to integration into the host society. This argument is empirically illustrated by comparing three kinds of entrepreneurship and the (trans)national/ethnic commitments they generate. These three types are represented by New York Chinese global traders, Jamaican ethnic entrepreneurs, and Dominican small‐scale investors in home‐country businesses. Although these entrepreneurial activities do not exhaust the types of business pursued by these immigrants (there are also in New York local Chinese and Dominican entrepreneurs, and Jamaicans involved in business in their home‐country), they have been recognized and investigated in each group.

Details

International Journal of Entrepreneurial Behavior & Research, vol. 10 no. 5
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 1355-2554

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Article
Publication date: 1 June 2008

Helen Atkins

469

Abstract

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International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care, vol. 4 no. 1
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 1747-9894

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Book part
Publication date: 2 December 2013

Abstract

Details

Social Theories of History and Histories of Social Theory
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78350-219-6

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Book part
Publication date: 2 December 2013

Abstract

Details

Social Theories of History and Histories of Social Theory
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78350-219-6

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Book part
Publication date: 8 August 2017

Peter Kivisto

Abstract

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The Trump Phenomenon
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78714-368-5

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Book part
Publication date: 14 December 2004

Philip F. Napoli

The boundaries of Little Italy are not precise, and have shifted over time. In the 19th century, the district extended south of Canal Street into the area identified by Jacob Riis…

Abstract

The boundaries of Little Italy are not precise, and have shifted over time. In the 19th century, the district extended south of Canal Street into the area identified by Jacob Riis as the “Mulberry Bend,” and described as “the foul core of New York’s slums.”3 By the 1960s, Little Italy had retreated across Canal Street, as the Italian population began to leave the neighborhood for other areas in the city. For the purposes of this paper, Little Italy shall be understood as comprising three census tracts in New York City’s Manhattan county, numbers 41, 43, and 45. This area, lying within a short walking distance of City Hall, is roughly bounded by Canal Street on the south, Bowery on the East, Broadway on the west, and East Houston street to the north. Nicknamed the Mulberry District, it became the first and largest Italian enclave in the United States between 1870s and 1924. While there had been an Italian community in New York for generations, historian George Pozetta has argued that the winter of 1872–1873 was pivotal in the development of this community, when more than 2000 poor Italian immigrants, arrived at Castle Garden, the immigrant reception center, unable to care for themselves.4 These immigrants were quickly fitted in to the preexisting Italian community, taking advantage of the contacts provided by the bossi, typically northern Italian men who had arrived earlier, to find jobs in such local enterprises as groceries and saloons, and with American employers. Once the new comers settled, a process of chain-migration began. By the later 1870s, the bossi were acting as agents for gangs of labor sent out from New York to work in other areas across North American. As a result, the Mulberry district became a sort of transshipment point for Italian labor.

Details

Race and Ethnicity in New York City
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-0-76231-149-1

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