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This article has been withdrawn as it was published elsewhere and accidentally duplicated. The original article can be seen here: 10.1108/eb014404. When citing the article, please cite: James C. Johnson, Donald L. Borger, (1977), “Physical Distribution: Has It Reached Maturity?”, International Journal of Physical Distribution, Vol. 7 Iss: 5, pp. 283 - 293.

In 1966, Professor Donald J. Bowersox mused that the acceptance of the physical distribution (logistics) concept was in “semi‐maturity”. The question then becomes—now, more than a decade later, has the concept of physical distribution reached maturity? Today, most senior executives at least recognise that physical distribution activities generally represent a significant expense item to their firms. While their respective views of the importance of physical distribution vary, most can empathise with this anonymous observation: “Line executives are a happily blessed race who radiate confidence and power. They stride confidently. They can develop a new pathway to greater profits by using decisive words and gestures. However, each line executive usually has one or more logisticians riding on his back. He knows that, at any moment, the logisticians may lean forward and whisper, “No, you can't do that”.”

Donald Trump portrayed himself as a crusader against corrupt elites, claiming he would “drain the swamp.” Corporate elites generally depicted themselves as either trying to work with him or as directly opposed to him. Yet a closer analysis of Trump's policies and their outcomes in key issue areas, from taxes to immigration to the environment, shows continuity with previous pro-corporate policies. Furthermore, by positioning Trump as opposed to the elite, Trump and commentators on his presidency created a “radical flank” effect that made status quo, pro-corporate policies appear as progressive victories. This analysis suggests that a focus on the personal characteristics of politicians is misleading, and that the focus of political discourse needs to be on the power structure that shapes policy outcomes.

Many analyses point to Trump's behavior on the world stage – bullying and racketeering more reminiscent of a mafioso than a statesman – as a personal character flaw. We argue that, while this behavior was shocking in how unvarnished it was, Trump marks the culmination of a decades-long trend that shifted US foreign policy from a regime of “legitimate protection” in the mid-twentieth century to a “protection racket” by the turn of the twenty-first. While the temperaments of successive presidents have mattered, the problems facing the United States and its role in the world are not attributable to personalities but are fundamentally structural, in large part stemming from the contradictions of US attempts to cling to preeminence in the face of a changing global distribution of power. The inability of successive US administrations – Trump and Biden included – to break out of the mindset of US primacy has resulted in a situation of “domination without hegemony” in which the United States plays an increasingly dysfunctional role in the world. This dynamic has plunged the world into a period of systemic chaos analogous to the first half of the twentieth century.

Donald Trump entered the presidency in 2017 with an electoral mandate to reduce US military involvement around the world and to abandon the trade and investment treaties that empowered global corporations. Yet he mostly continued the foreign policies adopted by previous administrations. In recent decades, those policies have increasingly served particularistic elite interests at the expense of the US ruling class as a whole, and they have also been unsuccessful in stemming the decline of US imperial power. This chapter explores the factors that explain this continuity of policy. In analyzing the reasons for policy stasis, it offers an analytical basis to evaluate what might change under President Biden. It also assesses what strategies might be most effective for those who hope to resist US militarism and to undermine the US capacity to enforce a hegemony based on rapacious capitalism.

To examine how social media restrict and recreate messages within current interactionist scripts in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), this study applies a framework of digital reflexivity highlighting stages of information flow. It applies the symbolic interaction concept of emotional events to analyze the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi and the role of social media in disseminating Bouazizi’s act as one catalyst of the MENA citizen uprisings. The role of social media in the “Arab Spring” merits investigation because social media provide opportunities to examine shifting identities, interactions, and actions of citizen activists in the MENA uprisings. This study is important and timely because little symbolic interactionist scholarship exists on MENA identities and social movements, or on crowd interaction and activism outside the West. The nuanced nature of MENA political activism and complex processes of the development of activists’ “mutable” selves (Zurcher, 1977) are fluid and resistant to symbolically defined social roles, interactionist scripts and reflexivity, and public communication practices in a MENA under political and social transition.

This paper aims to enhance the understanding of the influence of increased food availability and social learning in kindergartens on children’s attitudes toward food. In addition, it discusses questions regarding children and their parent’s attitudes and seafood consumption at home.

The study uses a qualitative approach that includes semi-structured interviews with 24 Norwegian children aged four to six years, interviewed in pairs. They represented two public kindergartens. One group attended a seafood intervention and the other did not. The intervention comprised seafood served as lunch twice per week, in addition to various educational activities designed to increase children’s knowledge of seafood.

Children who attended the seafood intervention used more cognitive associations by describing seafood as being healthy. They also expressed more positive attitudes towards seafood compared with the other children. The findings indicate a stronger socialization effect from parents than preschool teachers.

The children proved to have limited cognitive and communicative abilities for participation in semi-structured interviews. Future studies should consider older samples and/or methods that are more adapted to their cognitive abilities. Results cannot be generalized due to the relative small sample size and the fact that the study was performed in one culture.

To promote a healthier diet, children’s care givers and school authorities should make seafood more available. Preschool teachers should be encouraged to eat meals with the children to function as positive role models.

The study addresses a currently under-researched issue concerning the influence of kindergartens on children’s food attitudes toward a specific food category.