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Studies the marketing system of the Manila International Container Terminal (MICT) in the Philippines. The data collection methods comprised overseas trips to carry out unstructured field observation and interviews, a nine‐item structured questionnaire, and unobtrusive measures from Government statistical publications in four different countries. In the data‐analysis process, the questionnaire data were used to rank the importance of services required by major shipping lines in order to formulate the appropriate marketing strategy. The Government statistics data were used to test a hypothesis that Manila is more cost‐effective as a transshipment centre compared with three other major Asian ports. Testing of the hypothesis was based on the theory of General Equilibrium. A response rate of 60 per cent was obtained from the 30 mailed questionnaires. Finds that the most important services required by the major shipping lines were: (1) berth availability, (2) efficient operation, (3) cost. On the transshipment economics analysis, the alternative hypothesis: It is more cost‐effective to use Manila as a transshipment centre compared with Hong Kong, Kaohsiung and Singapore, was found to be sustained. Notes, however, that, although Manila is found to be the most cost‐effective on the whole system, Singapore is the cheapest, when considering stevedoring cost only, while Hong Kong is the cheapest when considering port charges and vessel‐steaming cost. On the whole, the existing marketing strategy of MICT, as observed during the various trips, was found to be sound and well‐justified. Nevertheless, makes recommendations, based on the findings in this study, aimed at increasing berth availability, ensuring efficient operation and being cost‐competitive and effective.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationships between authoritarian leadership, organizational citizenship behavior toward one’s supervisor (OCBS) and organizational deviance. The authors hypothesized curvilinear relationships between authoritarian leadership and OCBS, and between authoritarian leadership and organizational deviance.

The authors analyzed two-source survey data of 240 employee–supervisor dyads collected from seven organizations in Pakistan.

Employees exhibited most OCBS and least organizational deviance at intermediate levels of authoritarian leadership. Employees’ perception of a benevolent climate at work moderated the curvilinear relations.

The authors cannot draw causal inferences because of cross-sectional data. Furthermore, the authors’ results may be limited to cultures with high collectivism and high power distance.

This study envisions and illuminates a new avenue of curvilinear relationships among authoritarian leadership, OCBS and organizational deviance.

The two sources (employee–supervisor dyads) data collected from seven organizations supported a unique curvilinear relationship between authoritarian leadership, OCBS and organizational deviance.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationships among an individual athlete’s brand equity, overall spectator satisfaction at sporting events and behavioral intentions.

The convenience sampling method was used when approaching potential participants among spectators of the LG Whisen Rhythmic All Stars 2013, a sporting event in which celebrated sports players perform choreographed dance routines. A total of 350 surveys were completed in Go-Yang, South Korea. Of the surveys collected, 20 were discarded due to excessive missing values, resulting in 330 usable surveys.

Using structural equation modeling, this study found that the brand equity of an individual athlete positively and directly affects the overall sporting event satisfaction and behavioral intentions, including re-purchase and word-of-mouth intentions among event attendees, which are factors that are mediated indirectly by satisfaction.

This study shows that the brand equity of an individual athlete can increase the spectator satisfaction levels in a similar manner to the brand equity of a sports team or product.

The purpose of this paper is to assess critically the political challenges facing Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” policy following the Umbrella Movement and to evaluate the territory’s democratic and autonomous future.

A critical, contextual, and analytical approach has been adopted to evaluate the problems and prospects for post-Umbrella Movement Hong Kong.

The contradictions embedded in the “one country, two systems” policy have become apparent since the Umbrella Movement arose and Hong Kong’s political and democratic future is as problematic as its prospects are uncertain, though the possibility of some rapprochement between Hong Kong and Beijing should not be ruled out completely.

The critical evaluation offered by this paper is no scientific prediction. Social scientific analysis of this kind is suggestive rather than definitive. The informed discussion offered by this paper will help readers to better understand the strengths and weaknesses inherent in Beijing’s “one country, two systems” policy and the tortuous process of democratization in Hong Kong. The conclusion drawn in the paper points to a possible way out of the political impasse that is facing post-Umbrella Movement Hong Kong.

This paper is a pioneering study of the most important political conflict between Beijing and Hong Kong since 1997, the conclusion of which may have important political and policy implications for both China and Hong Kong.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the strategies employed by the pro-Beijing and pro-democracy camps in the proportional representation system which was used to universally elect a half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) of Hong Kong before 2019. It provides the consequences of proportional representation over the political sphere development after the handover.

This research is based on the past election results and the interviews conducted with 18 LegCo members in 2018.

This paper examines how the political parties split their lists in order to win more seats with the past electoral outcomes. Coupled with firsthand materials from interviews with the legislators, the most significant part of this article analyzes why the pro-Beijing camp performed better than the pro-democracy camp. It supplements the gap of current literature from the perspective of campaign strategies. This article also points out the Chinese authorities' miscalculation in the 1990s which resulted in the unintentional creation of fragmented politics and filibusters before 2019.

This examines the development of campaign strategies of the pro-Beijing and pro-democracy camps, and it explains how the proportional representation caused the fragmented politics in Hong Kong.

This study developed a new interpretation of the attitude contagion theory, with the information adoption model (IAM) as the theoretical basis. A review of electronic word-of-mouth studies was conducted by using informational and individual determinants to develop an integrated empirical model that identified the antecedents and consequences of consumer attitude toward online reviews.

This study recruited 750 members of Facebook beauty fan pages in Taiwan and used the structural equation model to test research hypotheses.

Results revealed that perceived “ electronic word-of mouth (eWOM) credibility of online reviews” and “product involvement” could be used to explain the effects of attitude toward online reviews. Regarding the attitude contagion effect, the effect of “attitude toward online review” on both “attitude toward a product” and “attitude toward a brand” is stronger than that on “eWOM adoption.”

This paper provides valuable insights into the antecedents, consequences and mediating mechanisms that determine consumer attitude toward online reviews.

This paper aims to explore the critical success factors (CSFs) necessary for adopting public private partnerships (PPPs) in both Mainland China and Hong Kong.

An empirical questionnaire survey was conducted with relevant experienced practitioners in Mainland China and Hong Kong.

Both Mainland China and Hong Kong have been keen to deliver more infrastructure service projects through PPP mode, with the former aiming to meet its rapidly growing infrastructure demand and the latter uplifting its efficiency further. The results indicate that Hong Kong does not regard multi‐benefit objectives as importantly as Mainland China. Mainland China on the contrary felt more concerned with an equitable risk sharing mechanism, which is understandable given the problems affecting the financial market in Mainland China.

It is anticipated that the results presented in this paper will assist both the public and private sectors to deliver PPP projects more successfully.