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The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of empowering leadership at the team level on employees’ subjective well-being (SWB) and work performance through perceived social support. Based on social exchange theory (Blau, 1964), the study identifies the mediating effects of perceived social support in the relationship between empowering leadership and both employees’ well-being and work performance.

The study utilized a survey of 1,225 employees working for an organization in South Korea and archival data of the organization. It employed hierarchical linear modeling analyses and the CWC(M) procedure for the tests of multilevel mediation.

It was observed that perceived organizational support (POS) and co-worker support (PCS) mediated the relationship between empowering leadership and SWB, but not the relationship between empowering leadership and performance. There was a significant direct effect of empowering leadership on both POS and PCS, which subsequently led to improved work performance.

Taking a multilevel approach to leadership and relying on both self-reported and organizational archival data, this study contributes to the literature on leadership and well-being by examining the relationships between empowering leadership toward a team and team members’ well-being and performance, and by revealing the crucial mechanisms that underlie them. The study helps to elucidate the impact of empowering leadership on employee SWB, which has largely been neglected in prior management research.

After the Korean War, South Korean politics was dominated by national security concerns. Reversing Carl von Clausewitz's well-known dictum, in South Korea, “politics is the continuation of war by other means.” Until the late 1980s, politics in South Korea was far from democratic. South Korea had five direct presidential elections (1987, 1992, 1997, 2002, and 2007) and six national assembly elections (1988, 1992, 1996, 2000, 2004, and 2008) after the democratic transition of 1987. In 1992, a civilian candidate, Young Sam Kim, was elected president. Young Sam Kim (1993–1998) prosecuted and punished former generals turned presidents Doo Hwan Chun (1980–1988) and Tae Woo Roh (1988–1993) for corruption, mutiny and treason in 1995. Dae Jung Kim (1998–2003) was elected president in 1997. For the first time in South Korean political history, regime change occurred between a ruling party and an opposition party.

In this chapter, the change and continuity of civil–military relations through the fluctuating dynamics of the democratic transition and consolidation in South Korea is examined. A positive consolidation of democratic reform is one that, while securing indisputable civilian supremacy, grants the military enough institutional autonomy for the efficient pursuit of its mission. Civilian supremacy should be institutionalized not only by preventing military intervention in civilian politics but also by ensuring civilian control over the formation and implementation of national defense policy.

In sum, despite three terms of civilian presidency, civilian supremacy has not yet fully institutionalized. Although significant changes in civil-military relations did occur after the democratic transition, they were not initiated by elected leaders with the intention of establishing a firm institutional footing for civilian supremacy. South Korea's political leaders have not crafted durable regulations and institutions that will sustain civilian control over the military.

More than six decades, Korea is still divided. The most highly militarized zone in the world lies along the demilitarized zone. How to draw the line prudently between seeking national security and promoting democracy shall be the most delicate task facing all the civilian regimes to come in South Korea. That mission will remain challenging not only for civilian politicians but also for military leaders.

In recent years, many of South Korea's most prominent organizations have been involved in large‐scale frauds. These frauds have had a devastating impact on South Korean society and resulted in unnecessary suffering and high levels of unemployment for the middle class. With the aim of understanding the causes of these scandals, this paper takes an in‐depth look at the chaebol organization.

The paper takes a conceptual approach by first examining chaebols in greater detail. The paper then examines classical fraud theory, including the fraud triangle. The paper then examines chaebol organizations through the lens of the fraud triangle. By doing so, it is possible to understand why chaebols, in particular, are susceptible to fraud and corruption.

The paper provides evidence to suggest that chaebol organizations have inherent fraud risks. In order to minimize these fraud risks, chaebol organizations must address these issues.

This paper fulfills an important area of research by providing basic information about the relationship between chaebol organizations and fraud.

The Hanbo (meaning Korean treasure) scandal or “Hanbogate” occurred on January 23, 1997, with the bankruptcy of Hanbo Iron and Steel Company, the second largest steel company and 14th largest conglomerate in South Korea, as its debt had accumulated to US$5.6 billion. Hanbo's bankruptcy triggered an investigation by the Public Prosecutor's Office that resulted in the imprisonment for 15 years of Hanbo's founder, Chung Tae-Soo, for bribing politicians and bankers to pressure banks to extend hugh bank loans to Hanbo. Nine other persons were also convicted including Chung's son, who was jailed for three years for bribery and embezzlement, and Kim Hyun-Chol, the second son of President Kim Young-Sam, who was sentenced to three years jail and fined US$1.5 million (New York Times, 1997).

The issue of the reunification of North and South Korea attracted worldwide attention in June 2000, when the historic summit meeting between the two top Korean leaders was held in North Korea. Although recently the two Koreas have stepped up their efforts toward reconciliation, international scholars and researchers in Korean studies seem to agree that Korean reunification will be slow and difficult. For this reason, they are researching possible solutions to the critical problems involved, and thus there has been an upsurge of published materials on reunification. This annotated bibliography aims to serve as a guide to these materials. Although this bibliography is selective in that it is limited to literature published in English since 1996, it has wide content coverage and includes books, journals, government publications, special reports, research papers, and Websites. Given the complicated and dynamic situation in Korea, this bibliography will be of use to those who are concerned with Korean reunification.

While conceived to examine key factors affecting post-retirement career advancement of retired elite athletes in South Korea, the purpose of this paper is to report how English, as a de facto global lingua franca, functions as a powerful gatekeeper in the sports administration field.

Interpreted through the lens of Bourdieu’s linguistic capital and Gramsci’s hegemony of language, the present study draws on content analysis of semi-structured individual interviews, as well as focus group interviews, conducted with thirty former South Korean elite athletes.

Based on the data analysis, systematic bias toward athletes was uncovered, privileging English as the single determining factor for employment. Furthermore, the educational implications for adult learners of English as a Foreign or English an Additional Language reveal unrealistic expectations of top–down language policies.

Perspectives of athlete participants, an underrepresented group in educational research, within the South Korean globalization context shed critical light on the pervasive aspects of English hegemony and its unexamined dimensions.