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The purpose of this paper is to examine consumer demands for local foods at a farmers’ market. This includes examining both what products consumers want more of at the market and also what factors influence consumers’ attendance for a weekday farmers’ market.

This study was based on open-ended comments from a market survey of 270 participants in a farmers’ market in the USA.

This study revealed that consumers want more products at the farmers’ market that require significant resources and time to grow, such as meat and fruit. Consumers reported that they would be more likely to attend a weekday market if it had better hours of operation and better selection. Consumer comments also revealed that consumers often perceive the market to run out of products and not have the full supply that they want to purchase.

This research represents qualitative insights at one farmers’ market in the USA. While there are observations that may transfer to other markets, caution should be used when generalizing these findings.

This research is informative for farmers in providing them a list of consumer demands and also highlights the ways farmers need to make their market convenient to consumer work and life patterns.

This work adds value to the literature by expanding our understanding of specific foods customers see as limited in the farmers’ market, and it also provides much needed information regarding consumer behavior and weekday market attendance, which is not discussed as often in the literature.

The purpose of this paper is to examine farmers’ market consumer behavior through a regional food and culinary tourism lens to see the ways these festive and atmospheric markets can be used to develop a regional brand or identity surrounding food production.

This study was based on a survey of 270 participants in a farmers’ market in the USA. A combination of descriptive and statistical analyses was used to analyze consumer habits and spending.

The findings in this study suggest that while most of the customers live in a town where the market is located, a significant number of customers come from other locations, with some traveling significant distances, to participate in this market, particularly for the Saturday market. Many of the customers come to purchase organic and local foods.

This work is limited, in that it is a case study at one farmers’ market in the USA, and the work is exploratory in nature.

This work has implications for market managers seeking to increase their consumer base. Markets that want to increase their reach would do well to promote their events to a wider geographic area. The results presented here showed that consumers are willing to drive upward of 40 miles to attend a high-quality market.

This work expands our conceptualization of farmers’ markets by suggesting that these markets have the potential to form the backbone of a region is food identity through the creation of a food destination.

The At Risk of Poverty or Social Exclusion (AROPE) rate is a key indicator for monitoring poverty in Europe. However, it is not sensitive to the degree to which individuals face multiple deprivations simultaneously. This paper aims to fill this gap by studying the relationship between the three dimensions of the AROPE rate at the lower tail of their joint distribution in Spain in the period 2009–2022.

To capture how the different dimensions of poverty are related at the lower tail of their joint distribution, this paper proposes a multivariate left tail concentration function based on copulas. This function quantifies lower tail dependence at a finite scale, which, for practical purposes, is more suitable than estimating asymptotic measures, and can be represented in a 2D graph, facilitating interpretation and temporal comparisons. This function also provides information on overall dependence, as it is closely related to the Blomqvist’s beta.

There is a considerable risk of clustering of deprivations in Spain, with low positions in one poverty dimension extending to others. This risk increased after the Great Recession but did not decrease with the economic recovery that followed. The crisis linked to COVID-19 did not have a significant impact on the risk of clustering of deprivations. Lower tail dependence provides new valuable insights on the dependence structure of poverty dimensions beyond the analyses based on overall dependence.

This paper provides new theoretical results and a pioneering application of multivariate lower tail dependence measures in welfare economics using non-parametric methods.

The purpose of this paper is to describe multiple case studies based on free/open‐source software (F/OSS) web applications. F/OSS web applications were deployed to create a demo web‐portal for Swiss small‐ and medium‐sized tourism enterprises (SMTEs). The web‐portal will demonstrate web applications for the purpose of F/OSS awareness and their subsequent trials.

Multiple case studies using rapid prototyping methods to deploy F/OSS web applications were used.

It was found that a web‐portal for increasing awareness and enabling interactive trials in the context of web applications suited to service organisations such as the SMTEs would enable further investigation regarding F/OSS adoption in the SMTE community.

Major components deployed in developing a web‐portal provide a limited set of trials and do not represent the wide range of F/OSS applications which might be applicable to the SMTE community.

F/OSS applications, especially web‐based business applications, are increasingly being adopted for commercial purposes. However, building awareness and enabling exploration of such applications in the context of SMTEs is still a rare occurrence.

There is a noticeable dearth of literature offering Marxist perspectives and analyses on the Bangsamoro struggles for self-determination, ethnic and religious identities and social justice. A reason for this may lie in the general derision of bourgeois academics and conventional commentators on the supposed paucity of Marxist theories on nationalism, ethnicity and religion. This may have influenced, ironically, Filipino Marxist thinkers into being indifferent to this research topic. Far from the truth, however, that Marxism is essentially an economic determinist social conflict theory, its historical materialism offers a rich treasury of analyses and perspectives on nationalism, self-determination, religion and ethnic identity within the context of class struggles as the acme of the theory of scientific socialism. The paper, therefore, offers a scientific analysis of the Bangsamoro Question from a Marxist standpoint beyond the perspectives of psychologism, naturalism and ethno-racialism, which are usually deployed by traditional and uninformed commentators in analyzing ethnicity questions and quests for separatism.

The paper employs the historical and class analysis of the dynamics, relationships and struggles of classes in the history of the Bangsamoro struggles against colonialism and the subsequent postcolonial regimes up to the present time.

As a scientific paradigm, historical materialism presents itself as a general scientific social conflict theory. Using this framework through historical and class analyses, the paper proves the improbability of the Moros’ quest for separatism or genuine autonomy at this historical point. It, therefore, asserts the linking of the Moro struggles to the more immense struggles of the Filipinos for national and social liberation from imperialism.

The paper is limited to the historical and class analyses of classes’ dynamics and struggles. It is, therefore, far from an exhaustive analysis of the Moro struggles using different non-Marxist social conflict theories.

The research can be considered a practical guide in analyzing and predicting the trajectories of the Moro struggles in Mindanao and Sulu.

The work addresses the question from radical and Marxist premises.

This is a highly original and valuable work from the point of view of Marxist social conflict theory.

The resurgence of left governments in Latin America raised expectations for the reincorporation of popular sectors broadly writ into the political arena from which they largely had been excluded by governments committed to Washington Consensus policies. This was particularly true in cases where mobilization by broad-based, heterogeneous social movement coalitions set the stage for their election. In some cases highly contentious cycles of mass mobilization in the context of economic crisis and party system collapse opened opportunities for outsider left candidates and their new political movements and parties to sweep into office. This was the case of Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia, and, partially, Argentina. In other cases institutional continuity prevailed but mass discontent with low average growth, increasing poverty and inequality, and declining opportunities drove the electorate to vote for more established left parties. Brazil, Uruguay, and Chile are the emblematic cases. In all cases, to a greater or lesser degree, there was an assumption of a closer alignment between left governments and social movements than before. This chapter tests such assumption in the case of Bolivia because it exhibited exceptionally favorable conditions for a close alignment of social movements and the government of Evo Morales, the country’s first president of indigenous origin.

On September 11th, 1973, started the darkest stage in the recent history of Chile. The military and the police, at the command of General Augusto Pinochet, executed the most atrocious acts against the human dignity that the country had witnessed. The martial and technocratic leaders of the dictatorship ripped apart and redesigned the institutions of the country at their will, through to the elimination of the opposition and the systematic violation of human rights, which reached any person or group. Just a few days after the coup d’état that brought Pinochet to power, the Cardinal and Archbishop of Santiago, Raúl Silva Henríquez, and a group of churches declared themselves against the devastating violence that was gripping the country. Immediately, the religious spaces took up the lead in the defense of the most vulnerable, the persecuted, marginalized, and poor. The major effort focused on the Vicariate of Solidarity, an organization of the Catholic Church in Chile that was tasked with the promotion and defense of human rights, which offered legal and social assistance to the victims and their families. The Vicariate quickly positioned itself as a leader in search of justice against the backdrop of repression, censorship, lack of representative institutions, and prohibition of popular movements. The purpose of the present chapter is to analyze the work of the Vicariate of Solidarity and its leading role in the fight against human rights violations, strengthening social reorganization, reconciliation, and the return to democracy in Chile.