Jessica Schomberg and Barb Bergman
The purpose of this article is to help librarians interested in developing a basic understanding of Sub‐Saharan African cinema and increase awareness of the resources available…
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this article is to help librarians interested in developing a basic understanding of Sub‐Saharan African cinema and increase awareness of the resources available when building a collection of sub‐Saharan African films for their library. A general review is provided to help become familiar with the history and nature of the four regions discussed.
Design/methodology/approach
A collection development project to expand a mid‐sized university's collection of sub‐Saharan African films is discussed. Includes brief historical information and core titles, selected for their historical role and/or ease of purchase.
Findings
A list of core films is recommended for academic and public libraries representing four geographic regions of sub‐Saharan Africa: Nigeria, South Africa, West Africa, and East Africa.
Research limitations/implications
Unfortunately, many of the titles referenced in academic literature and winners of African film awards are not available for purchase outside of Africa, making it impossible to accomplish our goal of collecting a core list as intended.
Practical implications
The paper increases awareness of African cinema and value inclusion in library collections.
Originality/value
While there are general articles on the topic of African cinema, there are no recent articles on the topic of collecting African films for libraries.
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Many jurisdictions fine illegal cartels using penalty guidelines that presume an arbitrary 10% overcharge. This article surveys more than 700 published economic studies and…
Abstract
Many jurisdictions fine illegal cartels using penalty guidelines that presume an arbitrary 10% overcharge. This article surveys more than 700 published economic studies and judicial decisions that contain 2,041 quantitative estimates of overcharges of hard-core cartels. The primary findings are: (1) the median average long-run overcharge for all types of cartels over all time periods is 23.0%; (2) the mean average is at least 49%; (3) overcharges reached their zenith in 1891–1945 and have trended downward ever since; (4) 6% of the cartel episodes are zero; (5) median overcharges of international-membership cartels are 38% higher than those of domestic cartels; (6) convicted cartels are on average 19% more effective at raising prices as unpunished cartels; (7) bid-rigging conduct displays 25% lower markups than price-fixing cartels; (8) contemporary cartels targeted by class actions have higher overcharges; and (9) when cartels operate at peak effectiveness, price changes are 60–80% higher than the whole episode. Historical penalty guidelines aimed at optimally deterring cartels are likely to be too low.
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Can we broaden the boundaries of the history of economic thought to include positionalities articulated by grassroots movements? Following Keynes’s famous remark from General…
Abstract
Can we broaden the boundaries of the history of economic thought to include positionalities articulated by grassroots movements? Following Keynes’s famous remark from General Theory that ‘practical men […] are usually the slaves of some defunct economist,’ we might be wont to dismiss such a push from below. While it is sometimes true that grassroots movements channel preexisting economic thought, I wish to argue that grassroots economic thought can also precede developments subsequently elaborated by economists. This paper considers such a case: by women at the intersection of the women’s liberation movement and the claimants’ unions movement in 1970s Britain. Oral historical and archival work on these working-class women and on achievements such as their succeeding to establish unconditional basic income as an official demand of the British Women’s Liberation Movement forms the springboard for my reconstruction of the grassroots feminist economic thought underpinning the women’s basic income demand. I hope to demonstrate, firstly, how this was a prefiguration of ideas later developed by feminist economists and philosophers; secondly, how unique it was for its time and a consequence of the intersectionality of class, gender, race, and dis/ability. Thirdly, I should like to suggest that bringing into the fold this particular grassroots feminist economic thought on basic income would widen the mainstream understanding and historiography of the idea of basic income. Lastly, I hope to make the point that, within the history of economic thought, grassroots economic thought ought to be heeded far more than it currently is.