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Recent years have been marked by an extensive empirical testing of profit, cost, expenditure, and demand equations based on duality theory and the development of specific functional forms as approximations compatible with any neoclassical production or utility function. In estimating systems of demand equations, the approach taken is almost always to assume consumers maximize utility of current period consumption subject to a budget constraint (or combined time‐budget constraint). There are many times that consumers face other constraints on their purchases. Many of these cases are associated with price discrimination and other market imperfections that result in several products being sold in packages (or, equivalently, several characteristics being contained in one product). This constraint on the proportions in which commodities must be purchased presents some significant problems for using an indirect utility function, particularly if one is interested in testing if the proportions are equal to or differ from what consumers would desire. One example of this problem is whether merged charities allocate funds in accordance with donor's preferences. Franklin Fisher showed, using a Stone‐Geary utility function, that there were reasonable cases where a merged charity could increase contributions by allocating funds differently than donors prefer.

This paper presents a theory of the determinants of the methodology of economics. Following the useful distinction made by Papendreou (1958), theory is defined as comprising both a model and a probability statement as to the empirical validity of the model. Accordingly, first a model of the determinants of methodology of economics is presented and, then as an illustration, the model is applied to explain the major issues which have been debated in the recent literature on methodology. The paper concludes with a brief and simplified analysis of the evolution of methodology and some testable hypotheses are presented about the future course of the methodology of economics.

A number of advances in the analysis of durability have appeared recently. There remain, however, some areas of misperception and inaccuracy with regard to the implications of durability. The purpose of this paper is to clarify two related issues. The first is the issue of which is most profitable under alternative market structures: selling a durable, renting the durable, or selling the services of the durable. Selling the services of the durable differs from renting the durable only in the case where intensity of use is variable. The role of intensity of use has been recently addressed by Epple and Zelenitz and it is their conclusions we wish to amplify. In particular, Epple and Zelenitz's conclusions (i.e., “Rental is not a viable policy under either [monopoly or competition] market structure,” (p. 286) and “However, sale of services would eliminate the costs of short term ownership in the same way as rental,”) are not as likely to be as true as they suggest.

1. INTRODUCTION The recent proliferation of literature on the problems inherent in inflation, unemployment and incomes policy does not lag far behind the rate of inflation that initially prompted it. Before we get into the discussion of incomes and prices policies, it will be advisable to (a) present some evidence on the wage‐price‐unemployment behaviour in selected industrialised countries and (b) discuss theoretical and empirical results which have led to the conclusion that monetary and fiscal policies will not be adequate to meet the current inflationary problems. The first should provide substance to the claim that inflation has increased over time and has now become a more critical problem; the second should throw some light on the nature of current controversy on inflation and why mixed economies should need to supplement monetary and fiscal policies by other policies to provide themselves with a better trade‐off between inflation and unemployment. Accordingly, we will (1) describe recent wage‐price‐unemployment experience in selected industrialised countries, (2) discuss theoretical and empirical issues involved in the study of wage‐price‐unemployment behaviour, and (3) present the rationale advanced for an incomes policy, and discuss the past experiences of countries which have experimented with incomes policies and conclude with the suggestion that incomes policy and manpower policy be considered as complementary.

Within the vertical integration literature, it is a long standing proposition that the market level price of a downstream product is invariant with respect to the vertical integration and subsequent monopolization of that downstream industry by a lone input monopolist, given that the downstream production process is a fixed proportions technology and that there is competition in all related relevant industries. Consequently, it has been argued that the consumer welfare effects of permitting integration and monopolization by the upstream monopolist are inconsequential. It is also well known that this vertical integration and downstream monopolization will not result in either a greater or a lesser total profit for the lone input monopolist. Thus, it is also argued that there is no incentive for the monopolist to integrate into the downstream industry and monopolize it, given the presence of the fixed proportions technology.

Provides an alternative to the usual approach of economists of simply assuming human nature and human economic behaviour to be of a particular type. Economics generally provides little explanation for the formation of preferences. Psychological motivation variables for giving and receiving will be analysed which define an individual′s personality type in terms of his altruistic or non‐altruistic orientation. Presents a description of these psychological variables and the manner in which they are measured. An individual′s giving‐receiving motivational patterns are then incorporated into his utility function, and a theoretical analysis is made of the optimal level of transfers when various personality types interact.

Economic modeling issues for measuring damages and losses from disasters and their impacts are complex. The questions surrounding the potential economic effects of a disaster have been studied and discussed in various aspects. Input‐output analysis has been employed in many studies to measure and evaluate the economic impacts of disasters, mainly because of the ability to reflect the structure of regional economy in great detail. Whereas they provide useful information regarding the economic impacts and consequences and about the resource allocation strategies to minimize the losses and impacts, many of these studies have failed to investigate the dynamic nature of impact path over space and time, due to the difficulties to obtain such data and also to the static nature of input‐output framework. In order to analyze the spatial impacts of a disaster, Miyazawa's extension to the conventional input‐output framework is employed and is applied for the case of the Great Hanshin Earthquake.

Despite the breadth of knowledge on self and identity formation across the study of organizations, the field of organizational development and change has limited research on the construction of professional identity. Much has been written to describe the “self-concepts” of those practicing and researching in the field, but there have been no investigations that have explored how these “self-concepts” form. In addition, although women have contributed to defining the “self” in the field, men have held the dominant perspective on the subject. Thus, in this chapter, we address a disparity in the research by exploring the construction of professional identity in the field of organizational development and change, and we give voice to the renowned women who helped to build the field. Using the profiles of 17 American women included in The Palgrave Handbook of Organizational Change Thinkers, we perform a narrative analysis based upon the concepts and models prevalent in the literature on identity formation. By disentangling professional identity formation of the notable women in the field, we can begin to see the nuance and particularities involved in its construction and gain deeper understandings about effective ways to prepare individuals to work in and advance the field.

This chapter reviews the history of civil society engagement on drug policy at the UN. Despite the challenging beginnings characterised by small numbers of civil society attendees at the Commission on Narcotic Drugs, coupled with government mistrust, in the last two decades, civil society representatives have made visible progress in advocating for policy reform and changing the terms of the debate.

Efforts by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the lead up to, as well as during the 2016 United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Drugs (UNGASS), best illustrate this increase in impact and engagement. Reform-orientated civil society strategised heavily on how to bring ‘comprehensive, diverse, balanced, and inclusive’ representation to the UNGASS and achieved this through the Civil Society Task Force, which was carefully balanced in terms of geographic, gender and ideological diversity, and included nine representatives from affected populations, including people who use drugs, people in recovery from drug use disorders, families, youth, farmers of crops deemed illicit, harm reduction, prevention, access to controlled medicines and criminal justice.

The 2016 UNGASS saw the fruition of greater civil society engagement. Eleven speakers were chosen to speak in the forum showcasing the calibre and diversity of civil society representatives. They made powerful, at times poignant statements and pleas for better, more compassionate treatment of people who use drugs, farmers of crops deemed illicit, as well as respect for human rights, sustainable livelihoods and the need to approach the issue through a public health and human rights lens.

The chapter concludes with the finding that reform-orientated civil society had a significant impact on the UNGASS – both on the gains in the Outcome Document and at the actual event, while noting that the most impactful ways to influence has nonetheless been through reform advocacy efforts outside of the official civil society mechanisms. Civil society engagement remains a serious challenge. International solidarity and global networking remain a central part of the drug policy reform movement’s strategy to advocate for change at the national, regional and global levels.