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The purpose of this paper is to critically examine and test the relationship between market structure and profitability in the industrial sector of the U. S. economy. The majority of empirical studies testing this relationship have found a positive but weak correlation between concentration and profitability. The basic point of contention in the literature is the explanation of why this correlation exists. The traditional or “Harvard school” interpretation of a positive correlation between profit levels and concentration across industries is that market power is associated with concentration and results in relatively higher prices than competition allows in unconcentrated industries (a price effect). A more recent hypothesis, which is associated with the Chicago school of economics, is that profitability in concentrated industries is a result of their efficiency and corresponding lower costs of production (a cost effect).

Knight's Industrial Law Reports goes into a new style and format as Managerial Law This issue of KILR is restyled Managerial Law and it now appears on a continuous updating basis rather than as a monthly routine affair.

During the 1984 political campaigns, the public was deluged by requests from candidates and campaign managers for contributions to aid in their quest for political victory. Many contributions come from private citizens who support the views of the candidate. Contributions also come from special interest groups that support or show interest in only one or a small number of issues directly related to their own well‐being. For the 1976 general elections, Common Cause, a Washington‐based political reform group, reports that interest committees contributed a total of $20,447,560 to Congressional elections alone. The National Education Association spent $676,067 in support of candidates for the Presidency, Senate and House seats. The Political Action Committee of the national AFL‐CIO contributed over $1.6 million to candidates for local, state and national office. These monetary contributions do not include money, time and effort donated for distributing literature, organizing and participating in get‐out‐the‐vote drives and other types of political activity.

We show that, in the US telecommunications industry, market participants have a sophisticated understanding of the political process, and behave strategically in their allocation of contributions to state legislators as if seeking to purchase influence over regulatory policy. We find that interests respond defensively to contributions from rivals, take into account the configuration of support available to them in both the legislature and the regulatory commission, and vary their contributions according to variations in relative costs for influence by different legislatures. This strategic behavior supports a theory that commercially motivated interests contribute campaign resources in order to mobilize legislators to influence the decisions of regulatory agencies. We also report evidence that restrictions on campaign finance do not affect all interests equally. The paper therefore provides positive evidence on the nature and effects of campaign contributions in regulated industries where interest group competition may be sharp.

Western liberal states are considered to be secular in nature, with a presumed neutrality of state laws from religious values and norms. However, this claim overlooks the inherent influence that religious groups (namely, dominant Christian churches and groups) have as informal institutions. According to neo-institutionalists, informal institutions, like these religious norms and values, interact with and influence formal state institutions. As such, it could be argued that the norms and values of dominant religious groups within the state have a role in shaping governmental policies and the law. This is evident when examining the debates around multiculturalism and religious freedom that arise in liberal democratic states such as Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom (UK). In particular, the recent Sharia debates that have arisen in each of these jurisdictions illustrate that the secular state legal system is often positioned as “neutral” and free from religious influence – and thus incompatible with, and unable to, accommodate the religious orders of minority groups. However, this idea that the state is entirely free from religious values is a fallacy that ignores the historical role and influence of Christian churches in each state. In opposing the accommodation of Sharia in private dispute resolution, common arguments include the inherent patriarchal nature of the religion leading to further oppression and disadvantage of Muslim women when seeking resolution of personal law matters (i.e. divorce and property settlements). The secular state law is positioned against this (and religion more broadly) as the “fair” and “just” alternative for minority women – protector of individual rights. Though this ignores the inherent gender hierarchies embedded within formal state institutions, including the legal system that has been implicitly shaped by religious moral values to varying degrees – where minority women are also faced with a set of gender biases. When combined with the internal pressures from their communities and families this can often place them in a double-bind of disadvantage. In this paper, I draw on feminist institutionalism to examine the informal institutional norms that arise from dominant Christian churches in Australia, Canada, and the UK. In particular, the ways in which these informal norms have influenced the development of state laws, and continue to operate alongside the legal system to shape and influence governmental policies, laws, and ultimately the outcomes for Muslim women.

In France, as in other countries, the idea of installing rooftop photovoltaic (PV) panels in private homes is based on an incentive scheme (tax advantages, feed-in tariffs, etc.) inspired by neoclassical economic theory. In the case of electricity producers in Reunion Island, unlike economists, we argue that producers’ calculations involve decision-making criteria which go further than any simple evaluation of economic costs and benefits.

Our approach is based on concepts of economic anthropology and on observations and semi-structured interviews conducted in the homes of the producers.

This ethnographic method allowed us to examine economic rationalities which revealed the anticipation of an energy landscape that will be subject to issues relating to the environment, access to electricity, evolution in the local electricity market, and household budget management. In this context, producers’ representations of solar power and of processes for commoditizing and decommoditizing the electricity produced (sold on the network/“free” when consumed) make compatible preservation of the environment and social norms of consumption.

This paper focuses on PV energy producers (who have been the object of very little research) and thus provides input for existing reflection on the diversity of economic rationalities. Such insight is important for understanding how people respond to policy appeals for PV panels. Anthropology therefore has an important role to play in the debate on energy transition. This conclusion paves the way for similar research in other contexts (of a non-insular nature in particular) which would allow for a promising comparative anthropological approach.

The completion of our first volume affords us an opportunity of thanking our readers and subscribers for their substantial support, which has made possible the continuance of a library magazine on purely technical lines. The amount of sympathy and response received has demonstrated in an unmistakable manner that the practical side of librarianship is considered sufficiently interesting to require a special journal for its exposition.

Alvin Toffler foretold the technological “third wave”, in 1980. We suggest that there is an organizational fourth wave, the spiritually‐based firm. The movement toward spiritualizing the organization has apparently caught on and a number of highly diverse firms are attempting to instill a spiritual corporate culture. The intent of this paper is to explore basic attitudes and practices that appear to be essential for success in maintaining a spiritual corporate culture. Six key concepts have been selected based on our review of the literature, professional observations, and in‐depth personal interviews with leaders of spiritually‐based firms: honesty with self, articulation of the corporation’s spiritually‐based philosophy, mutual trust and honesty with others, commitment to quality and service, commitment to employees, and selection of personnel to match the corporation’s spiritually‐based philosophy. As these key concepts are discussed, specific examples of how these concepts are practiced within various firms are included.

This article seeks to augment understanding of the rise of psychological interpretations of the child in New Zealand, and suggest refinements to McDonald’s typology, with reference to changing religious values and priorities in the years before World War II. In particular, it considers patterns of religious education, with special reference to changing representations of Jesus for children during this time. Consideration of this material indicates that psychological approaches to childhood played an important role in shaping religious education throughout these years. Though noteworthy in itself, this influence highlights the extent to which interest in scientific and psychological understandings of the child had been growing more generally since the beginning of the twentieth century. Indeed, it provides a broader context for understanding the post‐war expansion of psychological approaches to children. Insofar as psychological interpretations of childhood were paradigmatic after 1945, this occurred because such approaches had been disseminated and acquired sufficient legitimacy in preceding years.

The purpose of this paper to examine laws and regulations applicable to cannabis in the USA and the UK, including legal reforms and international treaty obligations.

This study relies on primary data from statutes and secondary data from online and offline resources, including relevant case studies.

Federal laws in the USA and existing UK cannabis legal regime generally prohibit recreational use of cannabis. Increasingly, various individual states in the USA have enabled the use of cannabis health-related uses, thereby challenging the status of the UN treaties on drug enforcement. As the USA struggles to reconcile the conflicts between federal law on cannabis and individual states within its borders, much of the rest of the world, including the UK, are struggling with how best to reconcile their domestic positions with their UN treaty obligations.

Recent disclosures of past recreational use of prohibited drugs by several candidates vying to be the UK Prime Minister suggests why understanding the laws governing the use of cannabis is useful and relevant to the general public.

This paper provides a general but integrated review of national laws in the USA and the UK, as well as international treaties governing the use of cannabis.