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The following two articles report the outcome, in practical anti‐corrosion terms, of two subjects discussed at the recent international corrosion conference organised in Brussels by ‘Cebelcor’ (June 8–12, 1965). This conference was attended by representatives from 28 nations and the 80 papers read were for the most part in French or English. Of the five days of the proceedings, two, in which half the papers were read, were concerned with practical and technological aspects of the subject; the remaining three days being devoted to a scientific colloquium in which the behaviour of metals, alloys and systems of protection were discussed and techniques of investigation described. The proceedings took place under the supervision of Professor M. Pourbaix, the renowned Belgian authority on the corrosion behaviour of metals

The author of this article reviews those tests for corrosion which have been proved over a long period, the modifications lately incorporated into such tests, and some important testing methods recently evolved which are now widely used in industry.

The movement of policing from a traditional reactive approach to a more proactive ‘intelligence‐led’ approach has been a widespread but infrequently evaluated process. This study compares 200 offenders arrested for dealing Class A drugs in public spaces, half of whom have been arrested through ‘intelligence‐led’ police operations and half of whom have been arrested through traditional ‘reactive’ approaches. Analysis shows the offenders arrested through an intelligence‐led approach show a ‘local lifestyle’ profile. They are more likely to be older, be unemployed and live closer to their drug market, are less likely to diversify in relation to the illicit drugs sold, and show a high incidence of prior offending (especially in relation to acquisitive crime). The study argues that taking an intelligence‐led approach to open drug markets identifies prolific offenders who cause the most distress to the local community, as well as highlighting those most in need for treatment services.

For local law enforcement agencies, the subject of illicit drugs can appear all‐pervasive. Any multifaceted problem situated in an intrusive media and political environment raises difficult challenges concerning the allocation of resources. This article explores the process behind Lancashire Constabulary's decision to highlight Class A open drug markets as an operational priority, and looks at how a multi‐agency intelligence process, based on geographic mapping methodology (GIS), was initiated to direct enforcement and preventative activity.

Radical feminists position any forms of sex work as gender violence against individuals and more broadly for all women in society. I argue against the ideological stance that sex work is inherently violent and as a result should be outlawed, setting out how this ideology and dogma has allowed structural factors to persist. In this paper, I argue that despite the unacceptable high levels of violence against sex workers across the globe, violence in sex work is not inevitable. Through a review of the literature as well as drawing on research from the United Kingdom, I deconstruct the myth of inevitable violence. In turn I argue that violence is dependent on three dynamics. First, environment: spaces in which sex work happens has an intrinsic bearing on the safety of those who work there. Second, the relationship to the state: how prostitution is governed in any one jurisdiction and the treatment of violence against sex workers by the police and judicial system dictates the very organization of the sex industry and the regulation, health and safety of the sex work communities. Third, I argue that social status and stigma have significant effects on societal attitudes toward sex workers and how they are treated. It is because of these interlocking structural, cultural, legal, and social dynamics that violence exists and therefore it is these exact dynamics that hold the solutions to preventing violence against sex workers. Toward the end of the paper, I examine the UK’s “Merseyside model” whereby police treat violence against sex workers as a hate crime. It is in these examples of innovative practice despite a national and international criminalization agenda against sex workers, that human rights against a sexual minority group can be upheld.

Despite over two decades of crack use in the UK, there is little UK‐focused research and little understanding of the social context of crack use and health‐related risks. This is of concern because research in the UK suggests that service provision for crack users is inadequate. Research also suggests that there are high attrition rates of crack users in drug support services. Based on data collected in 2004/2005, this paper will examine how crack cocaine users start using crack, what happens over time, and where they end up as a consequence ‐ the crack scene. Many become mistrustful because of the manipulative and violent interactions that take place in these spaces. This is not helped when crack users reflect on past mistakes, which only results in increased crack use. As practical and health issues become too problematic, ways out, too, become more difficult. In addition, many find it difficult to place trust in welfare and drug support services because of negative past experiences, and feel ashamed about past failures in treatment. Taken together, I will also show how this is not helped by the configuration of drug support services.

Aims This paper examines (a) the relationship between notifications to the Home Office Addicts Index and deaths of notified addicts, and (b) the survival rates of such addicts.Design and participants Data came from the Home Office Addicts Index covering (a) notifications of opiate and cocaine addicts seeking treatment in the UK between 1966 and 1996, and (b) deaths of notified addicts between 1967 and 1996.Measurement Date of first notification; date of death; numbers of notifications in different times.Findings The proportion of addicts dying compared to the number of new notifications 20 years earlier rose from 2 to 7 in 10 between 1988 and 1993. There is constancy in the relationship between numbers of death and new notifications for up to 10 years before death. The proportion of the cumulative notified population dying between 1985 and 1993 remained consistent at 0.6% or 0.7%. The average length of time between first notification and death increased by six months between 1985‐90 and 1991‐96. Whilst the absolute number of deaths rose between 1984 and 1993, the proportion of newly notified addicts dying each year fell from 2.1% to 0.5%.Conclusions An increase in notifications was directly associated with a proportionate increase in addict deaths. One can expect the number of serious‐end drug users who die to increase with time, especially given the continuing role played by opiates ‐ chiefly heroin and methadone ‐ and increasingly cocaine in drug‐related deaths. At the same time, one can expect such individuals to survive for longer periods than did addicts in past decades.

The trafficking of women for the purpose of sexual exploitation has become a global business operated by organised crime groups and is now viewed as having reached ‘critical proportions’. Trafficking exists to meet the market demand for women who are used in brothels, the production of pornography and other aspects of the ‘sex industry’. It is nothing less than a modern day slave trade.

This article considers the issues of ‘street prostitution’ and ‘community safety’ in terms of the discursive construction of each. It argues that in the late‐modern age, concepts such as ‘community’ and ‘safety’ are problematic and their meaning cannot be taken for granted. The discussion then probes discursive constructions of ‘the prostitute’ and explores the causes of prostitution, its legal regulation and the apparent resilience of street sex markets to various forms of intervention in different places and at different times. The article concludes by considering prostitute women as members of the community and reflects on what this might mean in terms of community safety strategies.

This paper aims to explore the strategy of police harnessing the crime control capacities of third parties and to relate this to problem‐oriented policing.

Harnessing the crime control capacities of third parties requires police to act as effective brokers of public safety by improving the spheres of influence that third parties assert over relevant locations, systems or conditions that facilitate crime. This process is often termed redistribution, leveraging or third‐party policing. Research from the fields of illicit synthetic drug control and regulation is reviewed to highlight a number of key implementation issues.

The term “harnessing capacity” provides a strong conceptual basis by which to analyse police efforts to facilitate the co‐production of public safety, with terms such as third‐party policing being conceptually imprecise. To effectively engage third parties in crime prevention police need to use a range of compliance‐seeking mechanisms. In harnessing the crime control capacity of third parties police need to consider a range of issues: existing deficits in capacity, competency to act against crime, existing incentives to act, and the costs of co‐production.

Relevant implementation challenges are canvassed, as well as issues relating to third parties bearing the costs in return for co‐producing crime prevention.

The paper further expands theory and practical implications related to police harnessing the crime prevention potential of third parties.