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Article
Publication date: 1 February 1985

Roger G. Schroeder, John C. Anderson and Gary D. Scudder

White‐collar productivity measurement can be improved, according to results from group sessions conducted with 39 executives, managers and academics which elicited a list of…

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Abstract

White‐collar productivity measurement can be improved, according to results from group sessions conducted with 39 executives, managers and academics which elicited a list of eleven useful areas for measurement. There are three types of ways in which the measurements can be used: self‐improvement; performance appraisal, salary and promotion; and feedback, communication and work direction. Highly interactive jobs should be measured at group level, with individual performance judged on the basis of group results. Peer group ratings can also measure white collar productivity, with existing MBO systems providing information; and time management techniques are also appropriate.

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International Journal of Operations & Production Management, vol. 5 no. 2
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 0144-3577

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Publication date: 20 October 2020

Kaidi Wu and David Dunning

Purpose – Are members of socially dominant groups aware of the privileges they enjoy? We address this question by applying the notion of hypocognition to social privilege…

Abstract

Purpose – Are members of socially dominant groups aware of the privileges they enjoy? We address this question by applying the notion of hypocognition to social privilege. Hypocognition is defined as lacking a rich cognitive or linguistic representation (i.e., a schema) of a concept in question. By social privilege, we refer to advantages that members of dominant social groups enjoy because of their group membership. We argue that such group members are hypocognitive of the privilege they enjoy. They have little cognitive representation of it. As a consequence, their social advantage is invisible to them.

Approach – We provide a narrative review of recent empirical work demonstrating and explaining this lack of expertise and knowledge in socially dominant groups (e.g., White People, men) about discrimination and disadvantage encountered by other groups (e.g., Black People, Asian Americans, women), relative what members of those other groups know.

Findings – This lack of expertise or knowledge is revealed by classic cognitive psychological measures. Relative to members of other groups, social dominant group members generate fewer examples of discrimination that other groups confront, remember fewer instances after being presented a list of them, and are slower to respond when classifying whether these examples are discriminatory.

Social Implications – These classic measures of cognitive expertise about social privilege predict social attitude differences between social groups, specifically whether people perceive the existence of social privilege as well as believe discrimination still exists in contemporary society. Hypocognition of social privilege also carries implications for informal interventions (e.g., acting “colorblind”) that are popularly discussed.

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Book part
Publication date: 1 October 2008

Mary Jo Deegan

Williams was a black feminist pragmatist who contributed to and drew on the ideas and practices of the “Hull-House school of race relations” (HHSRR). This American theory unites…

Abstract

Williams was a black feminist pragmatist who contributed to and drew on the ideas and practices of the “Hull-House school of race relations” (HHSRR). This American theory unites liberal values and a belief in a rational public with a co-operative, nurturing, and liberating model of the self, the other, and the community, based on the historical ideas and commitments of abolitionists and Abraham Lincoln. Education and democracy are emphasized as significant mechanisms to organize and improve society, especially the relations between black and white people. This school had a distinct institutional influence, structure, and status (Deegan, 2002b). As an African American women who wrote and spoke using feminist pragmatism as it applied to the black experience viewed from her lived standpoint, she developed black feminist pragmatism (Deegan, 2002a). I concentrate here on her writings on biculturalism, especially her (Williams, 1907) essay on the perils of “a White Negro.” She wrote about this anomalous racial category in a number of other pieces that I also analyze here.

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Biculturalism, Self Identity and Societal Transformation
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-0-7623-1409-6

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Book part
Publication date: 12 December 2022

Malik Miah

Trumpism seeks to maintain white domination. President Trump's policies aimed to restore white power at a time when it seemed to be in jeopardy. This chapter examines Trump's…

Abstract

Trumpism seeks to maintain white domination. President Trump's policies aimed to restore white power at a time when it seemed to be in jeopardy. This chapter examines Trump's policy record and its impact on the US Black population, focusing on voting rights, policing, and criminal justice. I also discuss the far right's attack on history curricula and public education, specifically its demonization of Critical Race Theory. These efforts to protect and extend white power are not new. They are based on the principles articulated by the Founding Fathers, who asserted the right of white settlers to control the nation. More recent precedents for Trump's racism include the presidencies of Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, who, like Trump, ascended politically by mobilizing white racism. While many have labeled Trumpism a fascist movement, I argue that it is better understood as a precursor to fascism. It represents a continuation of the racist origins and traditions of the United States, where the national oppression of African Americans is core to the operation of capitalism. In closing, I offer a strategic proposal for stopping this reactionary movement and preventing it from developing into a full-fledged fascist movement.

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Trump and the Deeper Crisis
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-80455-513-2

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Book part
Publication date: 26 October 2020

Anton Lewis

Abstract

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“Counting Black and White Beans”: Critical Race Theory in Accounting
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78973-405-8

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Book part
Publication date: 17 March 2010

R. L’Heureux Lewis

Purpose – The purpose of this study is to gain greater understanding of the ways that youth “do race” in the post-Civil Rights United States. Scholars have studied racial…

Abstract

Purpose – The purpose of this study is to gain greater understanding of the ways that youth “do race” in the post-Civil Rights United States. Scholars have studied racial discourse and meaning among adults but have not rigorously investigated the patterns of discourse among youth.

Methodology – I analyze in-depth interviews and in and out-of-school observations drawn from three racially mixed fourth-grade classrooms in a city that I call Rolling Acres. Among the 31 families, 21 of the children identified as White and 10 identified as Black. Rolling Acres is a midsized city of over 100,000 residents where 75 percent of its residents identify as White and 9 percent identify as Black.

Findings – Youth maintain complex understandings of the importance of race, but mediate the expression of these sentiments based on their social identities and public scripts. Both Black and White children first suggest race does not matter when asked, but then describe that race is important to others in their school. White youth suggest Black youth are the perpetuators of racial antagonisms and perpetuate racial significance through their actions. Black youth suggest White youth do not typically antagonize over race, but when they do the perpetrators are acting out of individual beliefs and thus are limited in impact.

Originality – Through an exclusive concentration on the voices of the young, new patterns of understanding and discourse are uncovered, which may relate to later divergences in racial meaning in adulthood between Blacks and Whites.

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Children and Youth Speak for Themselves
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-84950-735-6

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Book part
Publication date: 10 March 2010

Christopher Wetzel

This paper assesses how a social movement organization strategically framed its actions to simultaneously gain the support of multiple, diverse constituencies. The challenges…

Abstract

This paper assesses how a social movement organization strategically framed its actions to simultaneously gain the support of multiple, diverse constituencies. The challenges associated with creating meaning and mobilizing potential partisans during the Indians of All Tribes (IAT) occupation of Alcatraz Island from November 1969 to June 1971 are examined through a qualitative analysis of movement-created texts. The IAT used a trio of distinct approaches to communicate with and gain the support of Native Americans and whites. Through inflection the IAT explained why they seized the island, emphasizing themes such as decolonization, democracy, and the importance of taking action. Through direction the IAT encouraged whites to write letters, sign petitions, and make donations while calling for a deeper engagement by Native Americans in the land seizure. Through deflection the IAT recounted normative stories to discourage whites and “wannabes” who failed to heed the organization's other directions about how best to participate in the takeover. These three framing processes build upon and extend social movement framing theory by complicating conceptualizations of allies and underscoring how movements seek distinct types of support from different adherents.

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Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-0-85724-036-1

Abstract

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Black Mixed-Race Men
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78756-531-9

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Book part
Publication date: 24 January 2025

Sarah Rodriguez-Louette

The white nationalist project of establishing a racially homogeneous state out of the United States hinges on the pursuit of power through the fragmentation of national spaces…

Abstract

The white nationalist project of establishing a racially homogeneous state out of the United States hinges on the pursuit of power through the fragmentation of national spaces along racial lines. In a shifting political context, prominent ideologue Jared Taylor perceives Joe Biden's 2020 electoral victory as an opportunity to further engage his audience. This chapter offers a discourse analysis of seven audiovisual productions published by Taylor on the online magazine American Renaissance between the 3 November 2020 presidential election and the 6 January 2021 Capitol Hill riot. Through a multidisciplinary approach encompassing political science, race studies and information science, this case study illuminates how white nationalism uses fragmentation as both an objective and an argument. A fracture of the information contract seeks to define extremism as a bastion of objective truth, countering perceived mainstream media bias. The electoral dynamics subsequently serve as a vehicle for reshaping political dynamics and recasting partisan divisions as racial polarisation. Ultimately, this narrative arc steers towards a new strategic orientation, redefining the contours of territorial fragmentation and the white nationalist agenda itself.

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Book part
Publication date: 13 November 2008

Heather Pincock

This chapter examines the goals and outcomes of intergroup dialogue through the evaluation of a dialogue program between city and suburban high school students located in…

Abstract

This chapter examines the goals and outcomes of intergroup dialogue through the evaluation of a dialogue program between city and suburban high school students located in Syracuse, NY. The Community Wide Dialogue to End Racism, Improve Race Relations and Begin Racial Healing (CWD) organizers share with a wide range of conflict theorists and practitioners the impulse to bring citizens together to talk about complex social conflicts. Two of the main goals of this program, to build participants’ understandings of institutional racism and white privilege, are examined here. Drawing on in-depth interviews with a small sample of dialogue participants, a framework is developed for categorizing participant awareness and understanding of institutional racism and white privilege. The analysis suggests that relatively modest levels of understanding of both concepts should be anticipated from participants both before and after completion of a dialogue of this type. While dramatic changes resulting from the dialogue are not found, the data indicate that the dialogue does have demonstrable impacts on the ways participants think and talk about institutional racism and white privilege. The central challenges faced by participants in understanding the concepts, specifically ability to personalize white privilege and capacity to adopt structural ways of thinking about institutional racism, are identified and described. This research helps to clarify the range of outcomes we can feasibly expect when bringing citizens together to talk about social conflicts by providing a qualitative framework for measuring awareness and understanding of white privilege and institutional racism.

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Pushing the Boundaries: New Frontiersin Conflict Resolution and Collaboration
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-84855-290-6

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