The move was a surprise, as Republican candidate Trump has yet to choose his running mate, but it has focused attention on the enhanced role of vice presidents nowadays. Once…
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DOI: 10.1108/OXAN-DB287175
ISSN: 2633-304X
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This paper provides evidence from the Philippines that strong presidents (termed here as hyper-presidents) have failed to address systemic corruption despite their anti-corruption…
Abstract
Purpose
This paper provides evidence from the Philippines that strong presidents (termed here as hyper-presidents) have failed to address systemic corruption despite their anti-corruption rhetoric and promises.
Design/methodology/approach
The paper uses a case study methodology to review how “strong presidents” have dealt with the problem of corruption in the Philippines and to examine their handling of grand corruption scandals. Data were collected from court decisions, congressional reports, news reports, journal articles, and other academic publications.
Findings
The paper has two major findings. First, none of the strong presidents were able to build the social and political foundations for anti-corruption reform. Second, in dealing with corruption scandals, the strong presidents observed selective persecution and particularistic concealment (cover-ups) instead of allowing the rule of law to prevail. These findings dismiss the idea of the sufficiency of strong presidents, some of whom project the possession of the political will necessary to combat corruption in the country.
Originality/value
While the need for strong leaders has been emphasized in the anti-corruption literature, this paper argues that such leaders do not necessarily add to the political commitment needed to fight systemic corruption or even lay the political, institutional, and social foundations for reform. Strong presidents in the weak Philippine state are powerless against the institutions and culture that encourage and tolerate grand corruption.
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Sandra L. Harris, Sandra Jackson Wright and Clementine Msengi
The history of the African American woman in the United States can be described as a struggle for survival and identity within a tripartite of oppression that includes racism…
Abstract
The history of the African American woman in the United States can be described as a struggle for survival and identity within a tripartite of oppression that includes racism, classism, and sexism [Hudson-Weems, C. (1989). The tripartite plight of African American women as reflected in the novels of Hurston and Walker. Journal of Black Studies, 20, 192–207.]. In spite of these challenges, African American women have always considered education an important investment in the future [Gregory, S. T. (1995). Black women in the academy. New York, NY: University Press of American, Inc.)], and despite gender and racial stereotyping that have limited educational opportunities African American females have been inspired to become educators (McFarlin, Crittenden, & Ebbers, 1999). Although African American women are underrepresented in higher educational leadership roles (Ross & Green, 2000; Waring, 2003), little research exploring the development of women leaders in academia, as well of that of existing university presidents, is available (Madsen, 2007). The purpose of this chapter is to explore the career paths of African American university women presidents. This research has important implications to strengthen opportunities to attain these important leadership roles in higher education institutions.
The purpose of the chapter is to develop a typology of bad behaviors characteristic of governing boards and to compare the bad behaviors identified in the typology to the…
Abstract
The purpose of the chapter is to develop a typology of bad behaviors characteristic of governing boards and to compare the bad behaviors identified in the typology to the governing boards’ expected roles and responsibilities. Several examples of bad governing board behaviors that have occurred at historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) are explored through the lens of the typology. The author argues that the bad behavior of governing boards responsible for the nations’ HBCUs inhibits strategic planning, undermines growth and development, and threatens the long-term viability of these institutions. Finally, recommendations intended to minimize the impact of bad board behaviors are proposed.
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David J. León and Rubén O. Martinez
In both 2007 and 2012 the American Council on Education (ACE) issued reports on the American college president. Each described the demographic characteristics of presidents and…
Abstract
In both 2007 and 2012 the American Council on Education (ACE) issued reports on the American college president. Each described the demographic characteristics of presidents and the demands of the job. Although these reports provided important information on college presidents nationwide, they focused too little on Latino presidents and the unique barriers those aspiring to the position face on the path to the presidency. Such drawbacks are not uncommon, considering the dearth of basic research on Latino leadership in higher education in general and Latino presidents in particular, along with the fact that many work in the relative obscurity of two-year community colleges. Moreover, such data as exist on Latino presidents tend to be outdated (de los Santos, Jr. & Vega, 2008).
With these large gaps in mind, we invited Latino presidents to describe their rise in academia in the context of their family and community. We reviewed their personal stories for common themes and identified six that we want to highlight: (1) strong family support for education; (2) commitment to education and character at an early age; (3) overcoming discouragement by gatekeepers, (4) the importance of mentoring; (5) the need of Latina presidents to address special issues; and (6) giving back to the Latino community. A description of each theme is presented later in the chapter, and we have integrated a few quotes from these presidents into our brief review of the literature.
Ravi K. Perry and Joseph P. McCormick
To identify the Obama administration’s policy responsiveness to the (African) American LGBT communities.
Abstract
Purpose
To identify the Obama administration’s policy responsiveness to the (African) American LGBT communities.
Methodology/approach
Theory development and content analysis.
Findings
Civic universalism, as a theory, can explain President Obama’s evolution on his support for marriage rights for same-sex couples. Obama employed the concept of e pluribus unum in his many approaches to LGBT responsive politics.
Research limitations
To date, theoretical development within the social sciences of LGBT policy responsiveness is limited.
Originality/value
Very little is written on the subject of LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered) politics in the 21st century. The study of the LGBT experience generally has been devoid of political variables because of a lack of attention toward LGBT issues, until recently, in national political party agendas. In this chapter, we review some of the contours of the LGBT community’s fight for political recognition in the United States as a precursor to the election and reelection of President Obama. Drawing parallels with presidential responsiveness toward Blacks in their quest for rights, we examine the Obama administration’s LGBT public policy initiatives as administrative policy and programs. We conclude by identifying new areas of research to explore on LGBT politics.