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The paper provides a detailed historical account of Douglass C. North's early intellectual contributions and analytical developments in pursuing a Grand Theory for why some countries are rich and others poor.

The author approaches the discussion using a theoretical and historical reconstruction based on published and unpublished materials.

The systematic, continuous and profound attempt to answer the Smithian social coordination problem shaped North's journey from being a young serious Marxist to becoming one of the founders of New Institutional Economics. In the process, he was converted in the early 1950s into a rigid neoclassical economist, being one of the leaders in promoting New Economic History. The success of the cliometric revolution exposed the frailties of the movement itself, namely, the limitations of neoclassical economic theory to explain economic growth and social change. Incorporating transaction costs, the institutional framework in which property rights and contracts are measured, defined and enforced assumes a prominent role in explaining economic performance.

In the early 1970s, North adopted a naive theory of institutions and property rights still grounded in neoclassical assumptions. Institutional and organizational analysis is modeled as a social maximizing efficient equilibrium outcome. However, the increasing tension between the neoclassical theoretical apparatus and its failure to account for contrasting political and institutional structures, diverging economic paths and social change propelled the modification of its assumptions and progressive conceptual innovation. In the later 1970s and early 1980s, North abandoned the efficiency view and gradually became more critical of the objective rationality postulate. In this intellectual movement, North's avant-garde research program contributed significantly to the creation of New Institutional Economics.

Japan is home to a relatively conservative and group-oriented culture in which social expectations can exert powerful pressure to conform to traditional patterns of behaviour. This includes gender norms, which have long been based around the common stereotypes of men as breadwinners and women as housewives. Social liberalisation and economic change in the late 20th century saw these patterns change as more women entered the workforce and, despite Japan's dismal standing in global equality rankings, began to make inroads into some positions of political and corporate leadership. Yet, the way in which women are treated by men is shaped not only by female gender norms but also by the social factors that determine male patterns of behaviour. This chapter considers how Japan's male gender norms, particularly the focus on man as economic labourers rather than active members of the family unit, have damaged many men's ability to connect, on an emotional level, with the women in their lives. It looks at the issue of misogyny; what is known as the Lolita Complex; the growing trend of herbivore men; and the concept of Ikumen, men who are active within the family. While some of these patterns of behaviour can be harmful – for women on the individual level, and for Japan as a whole, on the social level – there are some trends which suggest that gender norms in Japan can be directed in a manner which will allow for much healthier emotional relationships to develop between the genders in a manner that will help build a society that is more cognisant of and attentive to the needs of women.

The purpose of studying the impact of crude oil and natural gas prices on the Vietnamese stock market is to understand the relationship between energy prices and the overall performance of the financial markets. As Vietnam is an energy-dependent country, fluctuations in crude oil and natural gas prices can significantly affect various industries, including manufacturing, inflation, transportation, energy production and economic growth. These sectors are often sensitive to changes in energy costs, which can lead to shifts in corporate profitability and investor sentiment. By analyzing how crude oil and natural gas prices influence the Vietnamese stock market, policymakers and investors can provide deeper insights into the economic risks and opportunities related to energy price volatility. This paper can also provide valuable information for decision-making in sectors such as economic forecasting, risk management and investment strategies.

Using monthly data from January 2006 to March 2024, data were collected from the Vietnamese stock market and the OPEC organization for oil prices, while data on natural gas were obtained from the EIA. The data were analyzed using vector error correction (VEC) model, impulse response function, variance decomposition test and asymmetric reactions method; the study tries to ascertain the short-term and long-term dynamic relationships between the shocks of the crude oil price and natural gas prices and their effects on the movement of the stock price. In addition, the GARCH model is applied to measure the volatility of crude oil and natural gas prices.

Crude oil price shocks have a statistically significant impact on most Vietnamese real stock market indices, except for the utility and consumer indices and some energy companies. Conversely, natural gas price shocks do not significantly affect on Vietnamese stock market indices, except for the energy index and some energy companies. Some “important” of both crude oil price and natural gas price shocks tend to depress the stock returns of energy companies. An increase in both crude oil and natural gas volatility can lead to heightened speculation in certain indices, particularly the energy and industrial indices, as well as in some energy companies. This heightened speculation often results in elevated of their stock returns.

This study provides valuable insights into the field of study examining how fluctuations in the prices of oil and gas, particularly during major crisis periods such as global financial crisis, COVID-19 pandemic and the Russo-Ukrainian War, affect financial markets.