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This paper aims mainly at introducing applied statisticians and econometricians to the current research methodology with non-Euclidean data sets. Specifically, it provides the basis and rationale for statistics in Wasserstein space, where the metric on probability measures is taken as a Wasserstein metric arising from optimal transport theory.

The authors spell out the basis and rationale for using Wasserstein metrics on the data space of (random) probability measures.

In elaborating the new statistical analysis of non-Euclidean data sets, the paper illustrates the generalization of traditional aspects of statistical inference following Frechet's program.

Besides the elaboration of research methodology for a new data analysis, the paper discusses the applications of Wasserstein metrics to the robustness of financial risk measures.

The use of the concept of “agency,” in the sense of action that is to some extent free of “structural” constraints, has enjoyed enormous and growing popularity in the sociological literature over the past several decades. In a previous paper, we examined the range of theoretical rationales offered by sociologists for the inclusion of the notion of “agency” in sociological explanations. Having found these rationales seriously wanting, in this paper we attempt to determine empirically what role “agency” actually plays in the recent sociological literature. We examine a random sample of 147 articles in sociology journals that use the concept of “agency” with the aim of identifying the ways in which the term is used and what function the concept serves in the sociological explanations offered. We identify four principal (often overlapping) uses of “agency”: (1) purely descriptive; (2) as a synonym for “power”; (3) as a way to identify resistance to “structural” pressures; and (4) as a way to describe intelligible human actions. We find that in none of these cases the notion of “agency” adds anything of analytical or explanatory value. These different uses have one thing in common, however: they all tend to use the term “agency” in a strongly normative sense to mark the actions the authors approve of. We conclude that “agency” seems to serve the purpose of registering the authors' moral or political preferences under the guise of a seemingly analytical concept.

A “state-driven” approach suggests that colonists use census categories to rule. However, a “society-driven” approach suggests that this state-driven perspective confers too much power upon states. A third approach views census-taking and official categorization as a product of state–society interaction that depends upon: (a) the population's lay categories, (b) information intellectuals' ability to take up and transform these lay categories, and (c) the balance of power between social and state actors. We evaluate the above positions by analyzing official records, key texts, travelogues, and statistical memoirs from three key periods in India: Indus Valley civilization through classical Gupta rule (ca. 3300 BCE–700 CE), the “medieval” period (ca. 700–1700 CE), and East India Company (EIC) rule (1757–1857 CE), using historical narrative. We show that information gathering early in the first period was society driven; however, over time, a strong interactive pattern emerged. Scribes (information intellectuals) increased their social status and power (thus, shifting the balance of power) by drawing on caste categories (lay categories) and incorporating them into official information gathering. This intensification of interactive information gathering allowed the Mughals, the EIC, and finally British direct rule officials to collect large quantities of information. Our evidence thus suggests that the intensification of state–society interactions over time laid the groundwork for the success of the direct rule British censuses. It also suggests that any transformative effect of these censuses lay in this interactive pattern, not in the strength of the British colonial state.

This chapter differentiates stress from generalized anxiety, discussing the nature and prevalence of each among college students. The chapter then delves into generalized anxiety in detail, covering instruments that measure generalized anxiety, cultural considerations associated with generalized anxiety and the causes, consequences, prevention and treatment of generalized anxiety among college students. The next section of the chapter focuses on social anxiety among college students, similarly addressing its defining characteristics, prevalence, cultural considerations, causes, consequences, prevention and treatment. The final section of the chapter follows a similar structure in discussing posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among college students. Throughout the chapter, attention is devoted to neurotransmitters and brain structures that are involved in anxiety and its treatment through antianxiety medications. Case examples are used to help bring theoretical concepts and research findings to life.

Four reputed leaders for the coming years in the field of special education for individuals with emotional and behavioral disorders (EBD) each with a slightly different perspective on the field were asked to respond independently to a prompt asking what does special education mean for students with EBD and what is being done and how do we maintain tradition? The contributors' responses to the prompt are presented and then summarized across the essays. A remarkable consistency emerges across the independent essays. In addition to the tradition of providing a free and appropriate education in the least restrictive environment, the contributors identify needs to support teachers serving this population. Needs in teacher training and the expertise required to meet the needs of individuals with EBD are outlined as well as potential contributions of technology to carry out specific tasks. We conclude with a call for increased advocacy for use of the knowledge that we currently possess and that which will soon be discovered to support students with EBD as well as their teachers. We also note that the contributors' names are listed alphabetically to acknowledge the equality of each person to the final product.

In 2020, former Major Junior hockey players filed a lawsuit against the Canadian Hockey League (CHL), its three regional affiliates and each of their teams. The statement of claim (Carcillo v. CHL, 2020) alleges rampant institutionalised and systemic abuse shaped by a toxic environment that enables abuse, discrimination and other harmful conduct to continue. In response, the CHL commissioned an independent review panel (Thériault et al., 2020) to investigate the abuse allegations. The panel concluded that the culture in the CHL has allowed abusive practices to become a cultural norm. The purpose of this chapter is to provide an understanding of player perceptions of hazing in the context of an environment that is typically understood as hypermasculine to the point of enabling abuse and the vitiation of consent. Drawing on a content analysis of affidavits from the Carcillo lawsuit as well as semi-structured qualitative interviews we conducted with former CHL players, we discuss the findings that suggest that CHL teams and leagues have often fostered a culture that can facilitate dangerous hazing practices for which consent is not always authentically obtained.

The combination of previously unassociated terms in a metaphor can helpfully illustrate particular characteristics of a person, phenomenon or practice. However, it can also obfuscate because the focus on some elements may come at the expense of others. The metaphor of the landscape is somewhat ubiquitous in academic literature, and this paper is specifically interested in the ‘higher education landscape’, which is widely used in scholarly – as well as media and policy – writing. By applying thematic analysis to a sample of publications which invoke the term, this paper comprises what Haslanger calls a descriptive and ameliorative approach to investigate both how and why this metaphor is used. By considering these publications cumulatively, we can identify that the higher education landscape enables scholars to simultaneously acknowledge higher education's temporal, social and political positioning, its state of what can feel like permanent and wide-ranging flux, and its diverse cast of interrelated actors. In this way, it serves as a useful and evocative container metaphor for higher education's activities and constituents and the interrelationships and tensions between them. At the same time, its somewhat indiscriminate and indeterminate use can conflate and mask the detail and nature of these dynamics, and it is possible to discern in its application a collective sense of nervousness and uncertainty about higher education more generally.