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This paper presents the Edge Load Management and Optimization through Pseudoflow Prediction (ELMOPP) algorithm, which aims to solve problems detailed in previous algorithms; through machine learning with nested long short-term memory (NLSTM) modules and graph theory, the algorithm attempts to predict the near future using past data and traffic patterns to inform its real-time decisions and better mitigate traffic by predicting future traffic flow based on past flow and using those predictions to both maximize present traffic flow and decrease future traffic congestion.

ELMOPP was tested against the ITLC and OAF traffic management algorithms using a simulation modeled after the one presented in the ITLC paper, a single-intersection simulation.

The collected data supports the conclusion that ELMOPP statistically significantly outperforms both algorithms in throughput rate, a measure of how many vehicles are able to exit inroads every second.

Furthermore, while ITLC and OAF require the use of GPS transponders and GPS, speed sensors and radio, respectively, ELMOPP only uses traffic light camera footage, something that is almost always readily available in contrast to GPS and speed sensors.

We address here how the U.S. neoliberal policy regime developed and how its reconstructed vision of modernization, which culminated, under the rubric of globalization, was neutralized by 9/11 and neoconservative geopolitics. We analyze the phases in the rise of neoliberalism, and provide a detailed map of its vision of global modernization at its high tide under Clinton. We also address how the Bush Doctrine's unilateral, preemptive polices and the consequent War on Terror and Iraq War eroded U.S. legitimacy as the globalization system's hegmon and shifted the discourse from globalization to empire. Cold War modernization theorists, neoliberal globalization advocates, and Bush doctrine neoconservatives all drew on an American exceptionalist tradition that portrays the U.S. as modernity's “lead society,” attaches universal significance to its values, policies, and institutions, and urges their worldwide diffusion. All three traditions ignore or diminish the importance of substantive equality and social justice. We suggest that consequent U.S. policy problems might be averted by recovery of a suppressed side of the American tradition that stresses social justice and holds that democracy must start at home and be spread by example rather than by exhortation or force. Overall, we explore the contradictory U.S. role in an emergent post-Cold War world.