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“Give us a qualification” should be the first‐demand of today's teenager, not simply “Give us a job”, says Education Minister Chris Patten. Young people now had an unprecedented range of education and training options to choose from, and no school‐leaver should be forced to contemplate the alternatives — employment without further education and training, or unemployment. Employers, for their part, should show with hard cash that they seriously valued a properly trained and educated work‐force. Speaking to the Industrial Society on Education and Training: The Way Ahead, Mr. Patten outlined:

This article examines and discusses the assumptions and principles underlying the concept of ‘community policing’ within the context of Northern Ireland and the Patten Report on policing. It raises questions as to the applicability of the ‘community policing’ concept in the context of alienation and conflict.

In deeply divided societies such as Northern Ireland the question of police reform cannot be divorced from broader political issues. This article looks at the connections between police reform and the political process, in the particular context of the recommendations of the Patten Report, which put forward a framework for a fundamental reform of policing in Northern Ireland. The problems encountered during the subsequent reform process – both political and institutional – are discussed. It is argued that the model of a decentralized and democratically accountable police service, based on the core principle of community policing, although not fully realized, offers a model for policing in societies which are becoming increasingly multi‐ethnic.

The GCSE will go ahead on the timetable set for it. There can be no going back, and no hanging back. The GCSE will be a single system with differentiated assessment, which will allow candidates at each level of ability to show what they know, understand, and can do. We have had hitherto an examination system the main effect of which, in the middle and lower grades, is to certify poor performance. The GCSE will be differentiated so that pupils — the lower attainers, the average, the above‐average, the ablest — will be able to show achievement in positive terms; it will certify success.

The purpose of this paper is to make sense of the slow and frustrating process of democratization in Hong Kong through understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage. It aims to offer possible explanations for the current political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over the issue of universal suffrage.

This paper seeks to construct a triangular model of institutional constraint, clashing visions of democracy and mutual political distrust for understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage in Hong Kong since the 1980s, the nature of current political predicament they found themselves in and the current political impasse between the pan-democrats and Beijing.

The dilemma facing Hong Kong’s pan-democrats and Beijing’s leadership is attributed to the institutional constraints of Basic Law on Hong Kong’s system of governance, the clashing visions of Beijing-led Chinese-style democracy and Western-style liberal democracy as advocated by the pan-democrats and the mutual political distrust between the two parties. The findings suggest that this triangular model will remain relevant in understanding the political predicament of the pan-democrats under Chinese rule and the political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over universal suffrage for the coming decades.

This paper provides a new interpretation of the current political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over the issue of universal suffrage. It offers new insights into the nature of current political predicament the pan-democrats found themselves in amidst their fight for realizing universal suffrage since the 1980s by constructing a triangular model of institutional constraints, clashing visions of democracy and mutual political distrust.

The purpose of this paper is to explore and explain the change process in Northern Ireland policing through an analysis of temporally bracketed change phases and key change delivery themes ranging from 1996 to 2012.

The research approach adopted is process based, longitudinal and multi-method, utilising “temporal bracketing” to determine phases of change and conjunctural reasoning to unravel the systematic factors interacting over time, within the case.

The paper identifies and temporally brackets four phases of change: “Tipping point”; “Implementation, Symbolic Modification and Resistance”; “Power Assisted Steering”; and “A Return to Turbulence”, identifies four themes that emerge from RUC-PSNI experience: the role of adaptive leadership; pace and sequencing of change implementation; sufficient resourcing; and the impact of external agents acting as boundary spanners, and comments on the prominence of these themes through the phases. The paper goes on to reflect upon how these phases and themes inform our understanding of organisational change within policing organisations generally and within politically pressurised transition processes.

The contribution of the paper lies in the documentation of an almost unique organisational case in an environmentally forced change process. In this it contains lessons for other organisations facing similar, if less extreme challenges and presents an example of intense change analysed longitudinally.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the business-government nexus in Hong Kong as a special case, thereby contributing to a comparative examination of various significant variables affecting the study of political and economic developments in East Asia.

The paper considers the privileged position afforded to the major business groups in Hong Kong’s political system as part of the pro-Beijing United Front. It adopts a historical perspective, relying on existing literature including media reports. As the author is both an academic and a long-term pro-democracy activist, his actual experiences and extensive interviews with various important participants in Hong Kong’s business and political communities offer valuable perspectives.

In the past, the business-government nexus was perceived to be a positive factor that contributed to the territory’s economic growth. In the past decade or so, though, increasing dissatisfaction with the Hong Kong government’s performance and the widening gap between the rich and the poor have led to the emergence of a legitimacy deficit on the part of the government, resulting in rising demands for democracy which have not been met. Divisions on these issues within the local business community have posed a severe challenge to the continuation of the business-government nexus.

The author’s actual experiences and his interviews with other participants in Hong Kong’s politics provide observations of significant value. The Occupy Central campaign, which took off in the territory in 2014, demands serious consideration in terms of its political development and a key element for consideration is the response of the business-government nexus to it.

Cranfield Institute of Technology (CIT), founded as a college of Aeronautics in 1946, will this year celebrate 40 years of growth and innovation. Cranfield was awarded a Royal Charter in 1969, when degree‐awarding powers were granted by the Privy Council. Throughout its history Cranfield has maintained a policy of encouraging close collaboration between its various faculties and industry and it is therefore appropriate that its 40th anniversary falls in Industry Year '86.