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The United Nations adopted 17 goals for sustainable development, which has been known as the 17 SDGs. Knowing how to achieve these goals will be very important for many countries. The first of the 17 is no poverty. The purpose of this paper is to analyze how to realize no poverty in UN’s SDGs by focusing on structural changes based on the New Structural Economics.

This paper explains the relationship between structural changes and people’ s income in both rural and urban areas, and then introduces how to eliminate poverty from a New Structural Economics’ perspective. Finally, it discusses what to do to make these changes a reality.

To reduce and eventually eliminate poverty, increasing personal income becomes the first step. From national perspective, structural changes are related to an income increase. In rural and urban areas alike, the structural changes will usually be accompanied by new technologies and job opportunities, which will help people improve their incomes.

This paper explains relationship between structural changes and poverty elimination. How to increase people’s income is also discussed according to New Structural Economics. This paper’s findings may well be valuable for research on poverty elimination in the future.

Development economics is a new sub-discipline in modern economics. The first generation of development economics is structuralism. The second generation of development economics is neoliberalism. Most developing countries followed the above two generations of development economics and failed to achieve industrialization and modernization. The purpose of this paper is to introduce the third generation of development economics, called new structural economics, which advises governments in developing countries to play a facilitating role in the development of industries in a market economy according to the country’s comparative advantages. The paper also discusses how the government may use industrial policies to play this facilitating role and some new theoretical insights from new structural economics.

The paper draws on the experiences of success and failure in developing countries to generate new understanding about the nature and causes of economic development in developing countries.

The structuralism failed because it ignored the endogeneity of economic structure in a country. The neoliberalism failed because it neglected the endogeneity of distortions in the transition economies.

The paper proposes new policy and theoretical framework for developing countries.

The author presents practitioners with an overview of experts’ outlook for China econmic future. While some observers see the likelihood of a decade of continued rapid growth ahead, others see major economic challenges on the horizon.

To better understand the forces at play, consider the rationale underpinning three experts’ different perspectives on the future of China’s economy.

The author looks at the thinking underlying three vies: Confidence in steady growth: optimism based on China’s continuing “latecomer advantage” and its plentiful investment resources. Cautionary warning: pessimism based largely on his perception of China’s debt load and structural economic limits to consumer spending. Why you shouldn’t bet on pessimism: a rebuttal to much of the reasoning underpinning gloomy growth forecasts.

Taken together, a weak renminbi, low interest rates, and restrained wage growth would signal efforts to maintain the viability of China’s “latecomer” economic model.

The article helps practitioners understand the logic behind optimistic and pessimistic view of China’s economy so that as events develop observers can better understand which future is unfolding and what risks increasing or decreasing.

This paper is written as an attempt to employ the Chinese Social Science Citation Index (CSSCI) in the evaluation of Chinese humanities and social science research.

This paper uses statistics in the CSSCI (2000‐2004) to analyze the academic impact of researchers, papers and works, institutions and regions on Chinese humanities and social science research.

The authors identify 100 highly cited people, 50 highly cited papers, 50 highly cited works, 20 highly productive institutions and 20 highly cited institutions. Also provided is some regional information about Chinese humanities and social science research.

It is hoped that the CSSCI, as well as the analysis and evaluation based on it, will give researchers a better understanding of Chinese humanities and social science research.

Bottlenecked by rural underdevelopment, China’s overall development is bound to be inadequate and unbalanced. Through a brief retrospect of the reform directed against the “equalitarianism (egalitarianism)” in China’s rural areas, as well as the Chinese Government’s conceptual transformation and systemic construction and improvement thereof, the purpose of this paper is to clarify the panoramic significance of rural reform; the necessity, priority, and long-term nature of the current rural development; and the important role of public policy in doing so. It also looks ahead to consider the prospects for future rural reform.

This paper first reviews the rural reforms that were carried out in 1978. Second, it introduces the government’s conceptual change regarding rural reform and the establishment and improvement of the system that underlies it. Finally, the future of rural reform is envisaged.

The initial rural reforms brought extensive and profound changes to China’s rural areas. The experience of rural reform has been referred to and escalated by other fields of study. Hence, rural reforms have become something of global significance. Moreover, since the government can undertake reforms well beyond the reach of farmers, its views must be modified in a timely manner, and only then may it reasonably construct and improve the system pertaining to the “three rural issues (agriculture, rural areas, and farmers).”

This paper reviews the rural reforms carried out in 1978. It introduces the government’s change of concept with respect to rural reforms and the establishment and improvement of the system based on the “three rural issues,” thus looking forward to the future of rural reforms. The findings of this paper are of significance to the formulation of future agricultural policies.

Development, Markets, Competition and Entrepreneurs. Economic development shall improve the efficiency of resource utilization; this requires profound structural change. A policy impeding change obstructs development. After the collapse of the centrally planned economics it has become a commonplace that markets can enforce efficiency and shall induce development. Economic textbooks explain that markets require private property and prices determined by demand and supply. When some former socialist countries started their transformation towards‘market economies’by liberalizing prices and privatizing large public enterprises, the result was a sharp increase of prices and unemployment. Public monopolies with controlled prices were replaced by private monopolies with unregulated prices, and while the public enterprises (whose losses were covered by the state) were vehicles for the (formal) realization of the full employment guarantee, the privatized enterprises as pofit‐oriented ventures are compelled to reduce costsespecially costs of overstaffing. The lesson to be learned (or recalled) from this experience is that it is not the market as such which improves the general welfare of the people, but the competitive market.