Putain d'usine

Society and Business Review

ISSN: 1746-5680

Article publication date: 28 September 2012

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Keywords

Citation

Bazin, Y. (2012), "Putain d'usine", Society and Business Review, Vol. 7 No. 3, pp. 299-300. https://doi.org/10.1108/17465681211271369

Publisher

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Emerald Group Publishing Limited

Copyright © 2012, Emerald Group Publishing Limited


From time to time, organization scholars have to get closer to factories and blue‐collar workers. Many sociologists have studied these areas that we now tend to forget since the institutionalization of a financial managerial perspective on corporations. Exploring the entanglements between society and business, the SBR is also interested by worker's books providing a perspective that is usually presented through media or trade unions. Indeed, this book Fucking Factory (Putain d'usine) offers a true factory worker's view. Subjective and well‐written, Levaray's book is useful for any researcher who would want to get a better understanding of the daily life within modern factories.

The book opens on a strong chapter: “thou shall never work”. Levaray has obviously wanted to welcome readers with a dark introduction, describing his work as a perpetual reproduction, an unsatisfying routine to which workers cannot get used. Often, he even wishes for his workshop “to close or to be relocated abroad” (p. 4). He emphasizes the profound sadness of “any worker after forty” that, according to him, is of interest to nobody: “trade unions hide it, managers benefit from it and organization sociologists don't care about it” (p. 5). Levaray wants to describe the hardships of the factory work, not because it is tiring, but because he finds it alienating. This first chapter closes on one of his colleague's death due to an accident. For modern factory workers, especially in industrial chemistry, death is not a statistical rate, but a possibility that is always in the air. However, for Levaray, it is not these accidents that are the worst; rather, it is the daily burden of a despised place.

The second chapter presents a very specific moment during which, according to the author, workers feel alive again by “saying no”. The author provides a detailed description of the sparkles that appear in his colleagues' eyes when they say: “that's enough!” (p. 15). These sparkles are not about long strike supported by trade unions and strong demands, but rather by occasional production blockade by one or two workshops within the factory. Unwilling to accept another humiliation, another degradation of their work conditions, after a slow but perceptible emerging frustration, some workers begin to stop. Then, quickly, by agreement or solidarity, others join and a movement arises. These moments are the occasion for workers to present a few demands but also provide them with a sense of power and freedom that they feel wanting. Levaray describes it as a time of socialization and discussion; even a strike can be a moment for all workers to meet again, to talk, have a drink and laugh together.

The following chapter, “At night”, describes both the difficulties of working during the night shift and, surprisingly, the beauty of a factory during this time. Since the activity is slowed down, it gives time to get bored, to read or at some time, to enjoy an atmosphere “so unreal that you could forget how many people it take to run the factory” (p. 25). But a very important thing about working at night is that there is no manager around, even though the mechanization and computerization has reduced the number of night workers to the strict minimum. Consequently, it has also become a lonely job, whereas it used to also be a time of encounter, exchange and socialization. The fourth chapter “4:00 AM” Levaray describes, in detail, the painful routine of waking up and going to work.

The fifth, sixth (and eighth) chapters focus on liberating moments happening in the factory where workers spend their lives. During “L'apéro”, after work, around 6:30 PM, they meet in the cafeteria to have drinks all together. During this time, they have “a feeling of regaining (their) time” (p. 41). With “L'apéro”, Levaray describes a well‐codified ritual of contribution to the collective life consisting of a bottle of “Pastis”, the cleaning up of the place, arranging tables and chairs, recurrent topics of discussion, etc. These moments are presented and felt as theirs alone. And it is not by chance if this chapter is followed by a one on the beginning of strikes: these two periods of time are specific, rare moments when workers feel empowered, masters of their lives. “CCE extraordinaire” (chapter 6) and “La grève !” (chapter 8) give a detailed description of the many little things that triggers a strike, from the presentation of demands to the board of directors and the solidarity spreading of work cessation to the actual protests and occasional violent acts.

Long developments are made, in the following chapter “La mort (encore)”, on death related to factory work. Levaray expresses his sadness and frustration on the fact that many workers have such a bad health that it makes their lives even harder to support. Moreover, these bad conditions often incur complications taking the shape of more severe diseases. Through this chapter, the author presents death as a definitive feature of the workers' daily lives. In sickness, in accidents, in poor health and in retirement, death seems to be around at every step. Although strongly described, it remains clear for readers that factory life is not all about dying, only that it is an inherent part that cannot be overlooked or forgotten.

The book closes on an interrogation about leaving the factory: “Lâcher tout?” Here, Levaray examines the contradictions and traps that workers fall into between the daily frustrations and the security given by a salary. He wonders, if that kind of life is so degrading, “when will I go through?” (p. 77).

This well‐written, powerful book is enlightening if taken as a testimony. There is no pretention from the author to build a theory or present a political solution. Even though he sometimes steps over the line, readers need to recall its testimonial nature. Levaray is a committed, reflexive and unionized worker; if the reader keeps this in mind, then he can fully grasp the interest of this book. It gives a close, well‐documented and sensible perspective on the daily life of a factory. It provides us with a subjective, politicized (in a noble sense of reintroducing a questioning on the destiny and affairs of the City) point of view that can be very enriching for scholars studying organizations.

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